Paul Goble
Staunton,
June 1 – The photographs of Vladimir Putin sitting on what many falsely
supposed was the throne of Byzantine emperors have prompted many to laugh but
others to note that “Russia even today in many ways remains an heir of the
Byzantine empire,” according to the editors of Moscow’s “Gazeta.”
Russians
“borrowed from this lost empire not only their main religion but also its
political habits” in both foreign and domestic policy,” the paper says, noting
that these include “saying one thing, thinking another and doing a third”
thereby making the relationship of words and actions extremely problematic (gazeta.ru/comments/2016/05/30_e_8271917.shtml).
But
it also means that whenever the authorities act, people immediately ask
themselves what the action “really” means because no one can be sure that the reasons
the authorities give are the real ones.
And this form of doubletalk, the paper says, is rapidly becoming “the
norm of our present-day life rather than an exception.”
“Byzantine
politics,” the editors say, “is when criminal prosecutions can serve not only
as an effective means of sharing out property but also can be used for removing
an unsuitable politician.” But they have
the effect of making any honest discussion of what should be done almost
impossible.
That
is because such politics are “impossible without a cult of the abstract,” as
was shown by the recent exchange between Aleksey Kudrin and Vladimir Putin.
Kudrin, the first in several years to challenge Putin’s foreign policies of
isolation, was put in his place by the Kremlin ruler because of the latter’s
ideological understanding of sovereignty.
Putin
told Kudrin that Russia would not be the first to work to lessen “tensions”
with the West because to do so would be to call into question its “millennium of
history” and represent a kind of “’trading [away] of sovereignty.’”
“Byzantium
by the way also constantly appealed to its great history as the preserver of the
Hellenic world,” “Gazeta” says. It existed in the end for 1058 years, a long
time but “far from a record among empires.”
But
the main thing about the exchange between Kudrin and Putin is the question it
raises: why should political and economic cooperation with other countries
necessarily “lead to ‘the selling off of sovereignty?’” In reality, no one is
trying to take it away from Russia or to buy it as this exchange might suggest.
“If,
however, “one understands under sovereignty only the right to do whatever one
wants regardless of others, then it is extremely strange to constantly complain
that ‘the West is trying to contain Russia,’” the paper says. “Even in ordinary life, if someone violates
the accepted social order, people try to somehow stop him.”
Moreover,
“if you consider sovereignty the strength of borders and state power, then the
current policy of isolation and confrontation is making [Russia] weaker and
thus strategically weakening [its] sovereignty.” Cooperation can be the basis for
strengthening both, something that in words at least, Putin believes is “the
highest value.”
Russians
have held on to the Byzantine tradition even though they have passed through “at
a minimum” four different states – the Moscow principality, the Russian Empire,
the USSR and “now post-Soviet Russia.”
They do not appear to have reflected on what that means or on the fact
that “Byzantium is not the most successful” of models.
“In
the end,” the editors say, “in large measure thanks to its ‘Byzantine policy,’
it lost sovereignty” and its capital became a city in Turkey. And that
happened, they continue, because the Byzantine rulers remained too suspicious
of the traders and merchants who could have built up and defended the state.
Many Byzantine
survivals attract visitors – the icons, the churches, and the pompous ceremonies
– but none of them offers any guarantees. When Putin sat on what he thought was
the Byzantine throne, he forgot that in 2012 Viktor Yanukovich had done the
same – and now Ukraine is fighting “a real war for the preservation of its sovereignty
in the most literal sense.”
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