Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 8 – Many people
have commented on the fact that Vladimir Putin accompanied his announcement
that he was suspending a plutonium cooperation agreement with the United States
with an ultimatum containing a list of demands that Washington could not
possibly be expected to fulfill.
But that list, which included the
lifting of all sanctions, the total disarmament of Eastern Europe “and – the icing
on the cake – compensation for [Russia’s] losses,” is in fact the key to
understanding what is going on, according to Pavel Shipilin, a commentator for
the Utro news agency (utro.ru/articles/2016/10/07/1300245.shtml).
What is going on, he continues, is a
fundamental shift in the relationship between Russia and the West, from one in
which the two sides were at least willing to negotiate to one in which Moscow
is going to defend its interests come what may given the increasing weakness displayed
by the US, a weakness he says was on display as the West reacted to Putin’s
words.
Putin said as much in making his
announcement, Shipilin adds, and says that given this shift, “it is strange
that Putin did not require that the US return Alaska,” although the commentator
quickly points out that “the global conflict is far from finished so that ahead
of us may come not a few surprises,” including perhaps that demand as well.
The Kremlin leader, Shipilin says,
specifically said that he had taken the decision on the plutonium issue because
of “the radical change of circumstances” and “the threat to stability as a
result of unfriendly actions.” And the
place to see where that is happening is in Syria.
According to the Utro commentator, on
September 20, “three days after the attack by the Americans on Syrian
positions,” Russian forces responded by hitting a command post of the Western
coalition in Deir-es-Zore, killing 30
officers from the American, Israeli, British, Turkish, Saudi and Qatar
intelligence services.
“That is,” Shipilin says, “we
completely consciously attacked the military personnel of NATO and its allies, inflicting
quite serious losses.” But despite this, the Americans said nothing about this
at the time, and neither did Moscow.
There is an explanation for these silences and it explains a lot, he
continues.
What it reflects is that on
September 17, according to the Utro commentator, NATO coalition forces bombed
and killed Russian military personnel during their attack on Syrian government
positions. If that is the case, then, the killing of 30 Western intelligence
officers was “an act of revenge which the US was forced to swallow and leave
without an answer.”
This course of events, Shipilin
says, led Putin to conclude that there was nothing more to talk about and to
issue an ultimatum which the US could not possibly fulfill. And these actions demonstrate something else,
and that is this: “NATO in the eyes of all lost this local battle but one
important for American prestige. The halo of being Great Power No. 1 has disappeared
over the US.”
Obviously, Shipilin is only one
voice; and his conclusions are not necessarily those of the Kremlin. But to the
extent that there are at least some in the upper reaches of the Russian state
who think this way, the situation is far more volatile and dangerous than even
pessimists in the West have suggested.
When leaders talk like this, they
aren’t just engaged in brinksmanship: they are ready to go to war. And
consequently, no one should ignore the Shipilins of Russia, including their
hyperbolic comments about demanding that the West return Alaska to Russia
sometime in the future.
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