Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 26 – Many Russians
are so pleased with the decline of American power that they have failed to
notice the most important consequence of this: Russia will be in a far worse
position strategically and psychologically in a China-led world than it has
been in a US-led one, according to Lilya Shevtsova.
“For the three decades after the
fall of the USSR,” the Russian commentator based at London’s Chatham House
says, “Russia retained its power by inertia and the recognition of the world
community, even though, except for history, geography, and the nuclear button,
we have no justification for this” (echo.msk.ru/blog/shevtsova/2357937-echo/).
According
to Shevtsova, “the West, not knowing how to deal with Russia and fearing that
it would be offended agreed to play along,” implicitly recognizing a Russian
sphere of influence in the post-Soviet space and agreeing that there was a
special relationship between the two largest nuclear power, the US and Russia.
But
today, the basis for all this is collapsing. Ukraine is moving away from
Russia, and Belarus is no longer willing to play the role it did. “But much
more important is the fact that the US is unwilling to preserve ‘bipolarity’
with Russia as the basis of world security. America has ceased to maintain the
notion that Russia remains a world power worth wasting time on.”
That
is both unexpected and offensive, as “the most pro-Kremlin US president ever is
burying our notion of state power,” Shevtsova says.
Russia
might have been able to tolerate this given its displays of power in Syria and
Venezuela if it weren’t for the rise of China which “not only if filling the
sphere of influence of Russia in Central Asia but is beginning to push out
America as well” and if Washington and Beijing weren’t dancing a power tango
for which there is no place for Russia.
The
Kremlin likes to talk about Russia’s alliance with China failing to recognize
that China’s rise leaves Russia in an impossible position. Europe too fails to take the rise of China
into account, arguing over whether Moscow will use the gas weapon against it
without seeing that European pipelines increasingly are “in the hands of the
Chinese.”
But
there is something even more serious for Russia to contend with, Shevtsova
suggests: China has a very different model of world leadership than the one
Russia has been used to with the US. Beijing promotes itself economically and
makes itself attractive to others rather than relying on force to get its way.
China
wants in this way “to force the world voluntarily to accept the Chinese rules
of the game.” It is becoming the
dominant player in high technology, and this is a world that Russia is
absolutely incapable of competing in, unlike one in which force alone is still
useful as a means of asserting primacy.
That
is not to say that China is not developing military power. It is rearming at a
rapid rate. By 2023, its military budget will exceed 300 billion US dollars.
Even now it is spending 152 billion US dollars, compared to Russia’s 46
billion. And it is not just spending
more but developing new weapons systems as well.
Russia
is entering “a new world,” one in which it will be nostalgic for American
supremacy because “in the new world, Anglo-Saxon politeness and concessions
won’t be a feature. There will be a harshness which we have not yet
experienced.” And Russia will suffer losses of all kinds as China establishes
its leadership in ways Russia can’t counter.
Moscow
can continue to threaten the world with destruction but this will change little
if “for us there is no place in the train of world progress.” Russia is used to
contending with opposition, Shevtsova says; but it has no recent experience of
being ignored and treated as less than a dominant power.
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