Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 23 – Two observations, one by CPSU leader Yury Andropov and a second by
dissident writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, are essential to the understanding of
the trajectory of journalism in Russia over the last 50 years and of why today
Russian journalism is no longer of interest to either the authorities or
society, Nikolay Gulbinsky says.
Andropov
famously said that “we do not know the society in which we live,” a reflection
of the fact that the Soviet media did not report accurately or honestly about
the most important problems of the country. And Solzhenitsyn almost as famously
declared “a single word of truth can overturn the whole world,” an expression
of faith that a free media will create a free society.
In
fact, the Russian publicist says, the Soviet media did contain within certain
limits good journalism that had an effect on society and the government, and
the rise of media freedom did for a time promote a freer society but that that
rise faltered because after glasnost media did not have the impact on the
government it briefly did (ng.ru/stsenarii/2019-01-21/9_7487_job.html).
One cannot say
that “journalism didn’t exist at all in Soviet times,” Gulbinsky says. “It did
and in a number of cases, it was quite influential. Journalists were allowed to uncover
‘individual shortcomings,’ and these un-maskings as a rule entailed real
consequences.” But “and this is the main thing -- Soviet journalists couldn’t
openly criticize” the most important issues.
That had an unintended and unwanted consequence: “even
those who because of their positions created the official ideology ceased to
believe in it.”
A Soviet Rip Van Winkle who fell
asleep in 1985 and awoke now, would think that “journalism in Russia has
achieved an unprecedented flowering.” Journalists can no criticize everything
and they do. He would not see, however, that “political journalism as a
socially significant profession has died in Russia.”
There are several reasons for this,
Gulbinsky says. First, after Gorbachev, while criticism flourished, the
consequences of journalism became far more limited. If the media reported
something was wrong, the authorities and after them the population generally
ignore such criticism and ultimately came to ignore the critics.
Second, journalists sold out. Big
business and the government invested enormous sums to ensure that their
messages went out and that those of others did not. Russians recognized this and so came to view
journalism not as a source of information but as a public relations exercise
they could and should ignore.
And third, the whole notion of
post-truth infected not only consumers of journalism but the producers of it,
leading the former to dismiss what journalists are telling them much of the
time and many of the latter to be indifferent to what they are doing and
shamelessly pushing claims that they themselves know not to be true.
There was one brief shining moment
when Russian journalism had its day, when journalists did good work and when
the authorities responded to their reports. That was between 1985 and 1988; but
it did not last. As a result, while many could learn about their country from
the media, they choose not to because amidst the cacophony, the task is harder.
And so both the
powers that be and the rising generation are tuning out, Gulbinsky says; and
Russian journalism in which so many once placed so many hopes is dying, thus
depriving both of what is needed to overcome the current stagnation and put the
country on track for stable development.
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