Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 28 – Moscow talks a lot about addressing environmental problems,
adopted a national strategy, and has spent billions of rubles on environmental
cleanup efforts. But it has not put a serious dent in the problem; and
contaminated air, land and water is harming the health and well-being millions
of Russians and driving down GDP by six percent annually.
Almost
20 million Russians currently live in cities with high levels of air pollution,
according to officials; and as many as 40 percent of the population often drink
water that does not meet health standards. Both of these threaten public health
and the country’s demographic future (russian.eurasianet.org/россия-экологические-проблемы-не-находят-решения).
Perhaps
even more serious as far as the Kremlin is concerned, experts say, is the fact
that the country’s environmental problems are hampering economic growth,
reducing GDP growth by four to six percent a year, effectively ensuring that
unless Russia enters a new boom, its GDP figures will be negative or only
slightly positive because of the environment.
More
serious still, at least in prospect, is that environmental protests are
spreading from a relatively small cadre of environmentalists to large portions
of the population upset by the government’s decision to ship trash from Moscow
to the regions without asking the latter’s approval.
Demonstrations
in Moscow oblast have forced the government to go slow with its trash disposal
plans there, and protests across the Russian north appear to be having the same
consequence. If the situation deteriorates
further and if it becomes clear to more people that Moscow can’t or won’t
address it, these protests could become political.
That
is what happened at the end of Soviet times, especially in the Baltic countries
where environmental and historical preservation movements, at least nominally
legal, grew into political movements that challenged Soviet rule and eventually
helped to end the Soviet occupation of the three.
One of the closest observers of the beginning
of this process in Estonia and subsequently a direct participant, Mari-Ann
Kelam, has just given an interview to Region.Expert in which she outlines the
ways in which “ecology can strongly influence politics.” It should be required
reading by those in Moscow who aren’t dealing with this problem now (region.expert/mari-ann/).
Moscow’s plan to mine phosphates in
Estonia in an environmentally sensitive area, “really stimulated demonstrations
and acts of protest in Estonia,” the Estonian-American who now lives in
Tallinn, says. It was far from the only issue but it was an important one
because it was the kind of issue people could raise for a long time without
getting in trouble.
There are certain parallels with the Estonian situation in the 1980s and
Russia know concerning the environment. But there are important differences.
Perhaps the most important is that Estonians directly attacked the system and
its leadership for their problems while Russians so far have focused their
criticism against local officials.
Moreover, given Russia’s size, it is
far more difficult for activists to make contact with one another than it was
in Estonia. That makes a truly national protest in Russia far more difficult
than was the case in Estonia, but each protest can be a first step in that
direction, something the Kremlin should remember.
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