Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 24 – At a time
when the Moscow Patriarchate seeks to present itself as the primary basis of
Russian identity and Orthodoxy as the definer of Russian attitudes toward
autocephaly in Ukraine, polls show that Russians don’t view religion as central
to their identity and are remarkably indifferent to what is taking place in
Ukraine, Andrey Melnikov says.
The influential editor of NG-Religii says that polls show Russians
view themselves as defined by history and territory, including by history that
was anti-religious, rather than by Orthodoxy, according to polls, and that
fewer than two percent now attend services on major church holidays (ng.ru/kartblansh/2019-01-21/3_7487_kart.html).
And despite all the hullaballoo from the
Moscow Patriarchate and the Kremlin about Ukrainian autocephaly, he continues, more
than a quarter tell pollsters they have never heard of this issue before
pollsters asked and another third say that they are indifferent as to the
outcome of church reorganization in Ukraine.
Even hierarchs of the Moscow Patriarchate
acknowledge, the religious affairs specialist says, that “genuine participation
in religious life is displayed by a tiny fraction of the citizens of Russia.”
Metropolitan Merkury of Rostov and Novocherkassk even said that “our people do
not have any idea” about the most important aspects of the faith.
As far as church attendance is concerned,
the MVD office in Rostov reports that this year, only about 42,000 people
attended church services on Russian Christmas, two percent of the total
population and only half as many as was the case four years ago. Roughly similar figures were true for Russia
as a whole, Melnikov says.
The numbers appear to have been higher for
the ceremony Russians have elaborated on the occasion of the anniversary of
Christ’s baptism in which they jump into icy waters. But many priests of the Russian Orthodox
Church say this is less a religious act than a kind of recreation for people
looking to be entertained.
These poll results and this participation
level points to “several important conclusions about the essence of our
national idea,” the editor says. “First, the term ‘Russian’ should not be
treated as equivalent to ‘Orthodox Christian.’ Second, identity, based on
political and territorial community is more important than religious and ethnic
attachments.”
Russians are proud of many things in their
national past, in particular Victory in the Great Fatherland War, that are
“impossible to link with the Christian faith,” however hard some in the Moscow
Patriarchate try.
And third “and most important,” Melnikov
continues, “the worldview and ideological basis of patriotism consists of
episodes of national history which look to be a poor fit from the point of view
of Christian Orthodoxy – the revolution of 1917, the victory of Bolshevism int
eh Civil War, and Victory over Nazism.”
Indeed, some members of the church
intelligentsia “even consider the cult of Victory in 1945 the basis of ‘the
civic religion’ formed by the state” and that leaves Christian Orthodoxy to the
side.
“From this,” Melnikov says, “arises an
unexpected practical conclusion: the course of the Russian powers that be
toward the formation of national identity and patriotism connected with the
glorious past of the Fatherland and in particular Victory in the Great Fatherland
War” is surpassing any “deepening of the participation by religious
organizations in social and political life.”
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