Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 15 – Moscow’s
promotion of the Great Victory in World War II, the basis of the current
regime’s legitimacy, has contributed to an increasingly positive image of
Stalin; and that in turn, experts on the North Caucasus say, has led to a serious
reduction of attention to the mass deportations and the whitewashing of this
crime against humanity.
On the one hand, they say, this
shift means that ever fewer people in the region know about the horrific events
surrounding deportation and its impact on many things to this day. But on the
other, the failure to talk about this issue has not made it go away but rather
driven it underground and contributed to radicalization of opinion.
Those are just some of the comments
academic experts and activists made during an online discussion organized by
the Kavkaz-Uzel news agency on “The Deportation of the Peoples of the North
Caucasus in Historical Memory and Politics Now.” Naima Neflyasheva provides a
selection of their remarks (kavkaz-uzel.eu/blogs/1927/posts/40918).
Among the most interesting are the
following:
·
Viktor Shnirelman of the Moscow Institute of Ethnology
and Anthropology
says that “today, deportations during the period of the Great Fatherland War
have been shifted to the periphery of historical memory so that they will not
cast a shadow on the beautiful heroic picture” of that conflict the Kremlin
wants to project. Many textbooks have dropped even the mention of the deportations,
and those that do seldom provide a moral assessment of deportation, instead
presenting it as a wartime necessity.
·
Akhmet Yarlykapov of Moscow’s MGIMO points out that
“alongside the ‘officially’ deported peoples, entire groups of the population
were also in fact deported” – and sometimes twice, being moved into areas from
which others had been moved and then moved out when the latter returned.
·
Murat Shogenov, a psychologist at Kabardino-Balkar
State University
says that the one-sided approach the authorities now give to deportation is
viewed by those who suffered as repressive. That may make memories of the
deportation more marginal, but there are “risks” that what remain will become
the basis of new conflicts.
·
Valentina Tanaylova of the Moscow Institute of
Ethnology and Anthropology stresses that the situation varies from republic to
republic with some republic leaders actively promoting the memorialization of
the deportations while others have been trying to prevent that.
·
Madina Ramazayeva, a Grozny psychologist, says that her
interviews with members of various generations show that there is in Chechnya
almost a taboo among older people about discussing deportations.
·
Anzhela Matieyva, an Ingush historian, says that in her
republic “there are no problems with regard to the preservation of historical
memory about the deportation. But Akhmet Kostoyev, an Ingush lawyer,
says this is because everyone remembers given the continuing impact of
deportations rather than because of any positive actions by the
authorities.
·
Tanzila
Dzaurova, a specialist at the Ingush State Museum, says that unfortunately,
there have been attempts recently to “justify the deportations,” adding that
such efforts will “only make this problem more difficult and lead inter-ethnic
relations into a dead end.”
·
Kostoyev and Shnirelman offer some concluding remarks:
Kostoyev says that any effort to “deny the criminality of the deportations” resembles
attempt to “justify the Holocaust or other crimes against humanity.” They must be countered. And Shnirelman adds
that one of best ways is to integrate deportations into the more general issue
of all who suffered from Stalinism throughout the USSR.
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