Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 27 – The Putin
regime shows no signs of approaching its end and indeed has come through a
period of turbulence that is now over, Vladislav Inozemtsev says. As a result,
the personalist dictatorship of its creator will last as long as he lives,
possibly into the 2030s. But with his passing, it will pass away and very
quickly as well.
Many are currently suggesting that
the Putin regime is showing signs of aging and even potential collapse, the
Russian economist says. But in fact after winning support from the population
for boosting incomes before 2012, it has used patriotism to survive without
growth (mnews.world/ru/naskolko-ustojchiv-putinskij-rezhim-prognoz-na-blizhajshie-gody/).
“Since 2012 and even more since
2014,” Inozemtsev continues, “Russia has learned to live without growth,” and
despite expectations, this stagnation has not produced the risings that would
threaten the regime. Indeed. Today, it is possible to say that “the period of
turbulence and encountering with earlier unknown factors largely remains in the
past.”
According to the Russian economist, “the
population has made its peace with the absence of prospects for growth and
reams now only that ‘there won’t be a war.’
The most dissatisfied elements to an incrreasing degree ‘are packing
their bags.’ [And] those who are especially active ‘protesters’ are experiencing
the power of the repressive regime.”
At the same time, he continues, “big
business remains loyal to the powers that be and only seeks to export a certain
amount of liquid means abroad as a form of insurance.” Consequently, “the stopping
of economic growth will not become a cause of destabilization” and Putin “will
not leave his high government post voluntarily.”
Sanctions are unlikely to increase
significantly and even if they do gradually do so, Inozemtsev says, the authorities
will be able to nullify their negative impact by patriotic demagogy.” And even
if there are mass demonstrations, they “will not be able to destabilize the powers” since the latter will repress
them with increasing severity.
And those factors that some see as a
serious threat – such as official corruption – are of interest to only a very
small portion of the population. Therefore, Inozemtsev says in summation, “I do
not see objective causes for the destabilization of the regime on the horizon
in the coming decade.”
Of course, there are factors that
could change this, but none of them is likely. Putin could move to
thoroughgoing Stalinist methods of rule and make the bureaucracy feel completely
insecure. Oil prices could fall and stay
low for some time. Or the Kremlin leader could launch an attack on another
country that the West would feel compelled to respond to.
Moreover, while Putin sometimes says
thinks that suggest he is losing his ability to assess what is going on,
Inozemtsev says, “since 2014, not one response to his actions has been
unexpected for the authorities of Russia.”
Consequently, the only limiting
factor on the Putin regime is the lifespan of its creator. He will not live forever, and there is “practically
no chance that his system will be preserved after [his death].” There are several reasons for that
conclusion, the Russian economist continues.
First among them is that the
economic situation in the country is likely at that point to be “much worse
than today,” creating demands for rapid change. No one who replaces him will be
able to continue his policies for very long, and thus “the compass of Russian
history inevitably will swing toward democratization and rapprochement with the
West.”
But even more important as a source
of change after his passing is that his system is not based on any hierarchy
but rather on a congeries of elites and individuals near the throne whom Putin
regulates as “’a stabilizer.’” In his
absence, no one will be able to continue to rule as he has and the current
ruling elite will rapidly disintegrate.
And so there is reason for long-term
optimism, Inozemtsev says, but he notes that all this may not happen as quickly
“as many would like.”
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