Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 12 – The clash
between Kazakhs and Dungans in villages near the Kyrgyzstan border has sparked
a broad discussion among experts in both countries about the causes of these
violent episodes. A large number of explanations have been offered, but perhaps
the most intriguing comes from Igor Savin, an ethnographer at Southern
Kazakhstan University.
Like most participants in this
discussion, Savin points to the weakness of local officials, the denial of the
central government, the uncertainties of transition, the failure of diasporas
to integrate, and the self-confidence of many in Kazakhstan that they have
avoided danger because there have been few conflicts with ethnic Russians (profile.ru/abroad/kakie-predposylki-dlya-etnicheskix-konfliktov-sushhestvuyut-segodnya-v-kazaxstane-228655/).
A major reason for the absence of
conflicts between Kazakhs and ethnic Russians has been that the Russians have
generally chosen to run rather than fight, to leave Kazakhstan and return to
the Russian Federation, the ethnographer says.
The Kazakhs can see this and therefore see no reason to push their luck
by challenging the ethnic Russians.
But Savin’s most intriguing
observation may be his reflections about how inter-ethnic conflicts are
different in Kazakhstan as compared to in Russia. On the one hand, Moscow has focused far more
on the problem than have the Kazakhstan authorities and have taken “preventive
measures.”
However, he says, “there is yet
another important factor: the significantly lower level of ethnic solidarity among
ethnic Russians in Russia compared to that of the Kazakhs in Kazakhstan. And
this is rally important” in explaining why today Kazakhstan has more problems
in this regard than does the Russian Federation.
“Kazakh society, especially its more
traditionalist strata,” the ethnographer says, “are characterized by a high
level of ethnic consciousness.” They have reacted sharply to cases of
discrimination and mistreatment of Kazakhs in China whereas Russians in Russia
have often ignored the way in which Russians are treated abroad.
Moreover, in the first post-Soviet Kazakhstan
constitution, adopted in 1993, it was asserted that the country was “a state of
the Kazakh nation that had achieved self-determination.” That phrase
disappeared in later editions, but “the policy of ethnocratization has been
conducted consistently and actively.”
The same thing is not the case in
the Russian Federation, although some Russian commentators and officials would
like to change that, at least at the level of declarative language in the
constitution. But what Savin’s words suggest is that if they do, Russia will
face more ethnic clashes, not fewer.
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