Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 7 – By packaging amendments
together and using administrative resources, the Kremlin guaranteed the
percentages it needed to pass the measures and extend Vladimir Putin’s time in
office. But many in rural Russia, who voted yes, did so not because they wanted
that but because they cared about other things, Andrey Degtyanov says.
The Russian historian bases that
conclusion on his conversations and observations in his native village to which
he returned during the period of voting. And he says that even election officials
recognized that reality. When people asked what the amendments were about, they
told them that they were about getting pensions and having the right to attend
church, he says.
Thus, the residents of this decaying
village which has lost three-quarters of its population over the last two
decades and no longer has the school or medical point it had in the past in
effect voted for their own personal interests rather than for what the Kremlin
leader in fact wanted and claimed he had received (region.expert/dusk/).
What this means, Degtyanov
continues, is that villagers who don’t work directly for the state and thus can
be pressured that way into voting the way the Kremlin wants had to be pushed
into voting correctly “not for the empire” or for its Kremlin leader “but for
their pensions.” And by voting for their own interests, they are also turning
away from all-Russian ones.
One KPRF district leader even remarked
about the whole fake vote that “this is your Muscovite Putin, your Muscovite
Constitution, and your Muscovite amendments.”
Such attitudes openly expressed show that “the procession of the
regionalization of the imperial opposition has begun.”
And a second communist leader
remarked that “Ryzan is not Moscow, and Moscow is not Russia!” reflecting an
attitude that seems set to grow into the idea that “Russia is not an Empire!” What the Kremlin calls “’the deep people’ are
tired of the Imperial vertical” and won’t vote for what the vertical wants
unless bribed, something the regime is ever less able to do.
This trend “opens a window of
opportunities” in the upcoming elections because the regionalization of the opposition
such attitudes require will make the voting entirely different than it has been
before. No longer will “hurrah patriotic” attitudes dominate. Instead, people
will vote out of a sense that they are victims of profound injustice.
This doesn’t mean that Russia with
its thousand-year history is irrelevant or is about to pass from the scene, the
historian observes, but it does mean that “the twilight of the imperial system”
is already present and spreading. If the Kremlin refuses to see that, so much
the worse for the Kremlin.
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