Sunday, March 5, 2017

‘The Samantha Syndrome’ – a New Name for an Old Threat Putin is Exploiting



Paul Goble

            Staunton, March 5 – The Stockholm syndrome, the situation in which a captive begins to identify with his or her captors, is widely recognized as a danger. But there is another related phenomenon, Moscow commentator Igor Yakovenko argues, which he calls “the Samantha syndrome,” that may be even more insidious and dangerous.

            It occurs, he says, when Western diplomats make such an effort to understand representatives of dictatorial and especially totalitarian regimes that they forget the nature of those regimes and thus give away the game before it is even half played, just as the representatives of those regimes intend (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=58BAED398BE31).

            Such a pattern has a long and infamous history extending back to the time of Stalin and Hitler, but it hasn’t been given a name. Now, Yakovenko says, there is good reason to label it “the Samantha syndrome,” given the article Samantha Powers wrote in the New York Times on the occasion of the passing of Vitaly Churkin.

            That article, he points out, “immediately made [her] a star of the Russian media and above all of the Kremlin media because of the positive things Powers, the former US permanent representative to the United Nations, made about her Russian counterpart and his supposed commitment to finding points of agreement between Moscow and Washington.

            Powers certainly knows perhaps better than anyone else that Churkin was “not a subject of foreign policy” but simply the representative of his government. And the actions of his that matter – vetoing resolutions on Ukraine, Zimbabwe, Myanmar, Syria and so on.  Indeed, Powers herself pointed asked him shortly before his death: “Have you no conscience?”

            Now, Churkin is dead and Powers doesn’t represent the US at the UN any more. But her essay on Churkin is informed by an attitude that makes Powers’ words far more instructive than simply “the private reminiscences of one diplomat about another,” Yakovenko continues.

            And that problem is this: “the consequences of interaction of people of the civilizations of the West with representatives of dictatorships. Especially dangerous are representatives of Putin’s Russia because they are not only externally indistinguishable but have many apparent internal similarities with Western intellectuals.”

            To put it bluntly, “Putin’s representatives in the West talk like people, laugh like people, drink and eat like people and therefore they are taken for people” just like everyone else. But that is not only untrue but a tactic that dictators like Putin routinely use to get their way with Western leaders.

             Nietzsche warned that “if you look too long into the abyss, the abyss will begin to look back at you.”  Yakovenko adds: “the striving to understand representatives of totalitarian regimes which seems so justified and necessary for Western diplomats and intellectuals – we must agree and not allow a nuclear war to break out! – has led and leads now to something like the Stockholm syndrome.”

            Yakovenko says he proposes to call this phenomenon “the Samantha syndrome” because Samantha Powers’ essay about Churkin is a clear example of the nature of the problem and also why so many in the West are taken in.

            Of course, as Powers writes, Churkin like every individual has a rich internal life. But as a representative of the Putin regime, that is irrelevant. Instead, it is a trap that Western leaders routinely fall for: George W. Bush in 2001 looked into Vladimir Putin’s soul, Lion Feuchtwanger was struck by Stalin’s simplicity and modesty, and Bernard Shaw by the Soviet dictator’s sense of humor.

            “The problem of ‘the Samantha syndrome’ isn’t that one should not understand one’s opponent at the negotiating table. It isn’t that one shouldn’t develop relations with him, smile and visit. Instead, the problem is that it is necessary to always understand that before you is a cannibal because from a cannibal regime cannot be a normal representative at the UN.”

            Such people must be judged on their actions: everything else is irrelevant. And the failure to understand that distinction and to maintain it gives rise to monsters.

            “’The deep understanding’ of Stalin of the intellectual elite of the Wet played no small role that namely the West permitted to grow and strengthen first one monster and then a second after which these two twin brothers almost destroyed the planet,” Yakovenko says.

            And “efforts of the contemporary West to discover a soul where it by nature has never been, namely in the body of a KGB lieutenant colonel, led the lieutenant colonel to be ever bolder” and behave ever worse to his own people and to his country’s neighbors.

            “Without dialogue and contacts, the world today is impossible. But when you are dealing with someone ill with AIDS, it is necessary to avoid certain forms of relations. When you go into a plague barracks, there is good reason to observe minimal hygiene and keep one’s distance.”

            And “when one is dealing with a terrorist, of course, it is necessary to know” what he is about and “not feed oneself with illusions that you and he have common goals.”

Saturday, March 4, 2017

Russian Language Knowledge Declining Precipitously in the World and Even in Russia, Matviyenko Says



Paul Goble

            Staunton, March 4 – In 1900, one in every seven people on earth spoke Russian; now only one in 50 does, a decline that is mirrored within Russia itself, according to Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matviyenko, who says that “in a number of regions, as many as 10 percent of residents do not speak Russian.”

            Given the centrality of the Russian language in Vladimir Putin’s conception of his “Russian world,” those statements made on Thursday at a session of the organizational committee for the Third International Livadia Forum are striking (nazaccent.ru/content/23341-matvienko-v-nekotoryh-rossijskih-regionah-do.html).

            They are completely at odds with the Kremlin’s oft-made claim that everyone in Russia knows Russian and that therefore supporting other languages may be an expensive luxury, and to the extent Moscow has the resources to do so, they may represent the start of a new push to promote Russian abroad and among non-Russians in the Russian Federation.

            But if Russian is doing badly in Russia, that does not mean that non-Russian languages are doing well as three reports this week make clear. First, a survey of the numerically small peoples of the North found that 70 percent or more of them no longer speak their native language, although some have shifted to other non-Russian languages than to Russian (nazaccent.ru/content/23340-okolo-70-predstavitelej-dalnevostochnyh-kmns-ne.html).

            Second, there are serious shortages of non-Russian language instructors in many republics. In North Ossetia, for example, there is no one to fill 27 percent of the existing teaching slots in Ossetian, a shortage that means ever fewer Ossetians will have a chance to learn and retain their native language (nazaccent.ru/content/23319-minobrnauki-severnoj-osetii-nam-ne-hvataet.html).

            And third, Karelian leaders continued their campaign to have Karelian declared the state language of the Republic of Karelia. At present, that is the only non-Russian republic in the Russian Federation in which the titular nationality language does not have official status (nazaccent.ru/content/23304-eksperty-karelskij-yazyk-mozhet-funkcionirovat-v.html).

            Experts at the Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Karelian Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences sent an appeal to the republic legislative assembly pointing on that in their view, Karelian has “all the necessary qualities to be granted the status of a state language.”

           

Putin-Tishkov Push to Define Civic Russian National Identity Collapses



Paul Goble

            Staunton, March 4 – The working group headed by Academic Valery Tishkov that Vladimir Putin charged with coming up with a law defining a civic Russian national identity and identifying all residents of Russia as rossiyane has admitted defeat and will instead produce draft legislation on “the basic principles of the state nationality policy of the Russian Federation.”

            Tishkov, the former nationalities minister and longtime head of the Moscow Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology who has long championed the idea of creating a common civic Russian national identity admitted defeat in an interview with Nazaccent.ru on Thursday (azaccent.ru/content/23330-vmesto-zakona-o-rossijskoj-nacii-podgotovyat.html).

            In addition to the draft law on nationality policy, the academician said, his working group also plans to adopt “a declaration on national unity,” although he acknowledged that so far there is as yet no agreement on just what that might contain beyond general terms concerning “our all-Russian patriotism [and] our all-Russian national identity.”

            According to Tishkov, that document will also discuss “mechanisms of overcoming various risks, domestic and foreign and destructive influences.”  And he expressed the hope that the law and the declaration might be adopted in this year, “the centenary of the Russian Revolution of 1917.”

            This is a somewhat inglorious end to what began with such pomp and enthusiasm on October 31, 2016, when Putin expressed his support for the adoption of a law on the civic Russian nation and named Tishkov to head the 16-member working group to come up with a draft.

            To the apparent surprise of the Kremlin and Tishkov, the idea of creating a civic Russian national identity ran into near universal opposition. Both Russians and non-Russians saw it as a threat to their distinctive ethnic identities. Liberals opposed the idea both because it recalled the Soviet period of Soviet times and because it was going to be imposed top down.

            And many suggested that the attempt to create such a civic national identity at the present time would put Russia at risk of a color revolution  like the ones in Ukraine given that the Ukrainian government has promoted a civic national identity as well.  Only Tishkov and a few of his acolytes supported the idea.