Paul Goble
Staunton,
July 1 – At a Makhachkala conference on defending national and religious
traditions under conditions of extremism, speakers denounced among other things
Russia’s use of Israeli tactics against radicals, including the bulldozing of
houses belonging to the families of those who oppose the Russian government.
Such
tactics, experts at the roundtable said represents “a crude mistake,” the mistaken
application of Israel’s approach to “Russian and North Caucasian realities.” Whatever successes that approach may have in the
Middle East, it is “categorically unsuited” to Daghestan and other parts of the
North Caucasus region (kavkazr.com/a/chto-takoe-ekstremizm/29329429.html).
That was just one of the remarkable
comments to surface at this meeting of Daghestani specialists not only from the
republic but from Moscow, Syria and Turkey. Indeed, many of the statements they
made are almost unprecedented in their criticism of what Moscow has been doing
in the North Caucasus.
Among the most notable were offered
by Khabib Magomedov of the republic’s Anti-Terrorist Committee. He said says
that “everything being done in the struggle against terrorism isn’t curing the
underlying problem.” Instead, siloviki actions
are having exactly the opposite effect.
Moreover, the local expert continued, many
still do not recognize how ethnic and religious factors are combining and how
that combination requires “therapeutic” rather than “forceful” medicine nor do
they know how to deal with the radicals’ use of the authority of the Imam
Shamil, “who wasn’t a salafi.”
That is part of a general problem, he
suggests, one that reflects Moscow’s use of atheists to fight religious
radicalism. That is a mistake, Magomedov argues, because an atheist “cannot
understand the motivation of an individual” who is acting on a religious basis.
The atheist thus does things that only deepen that individual’s faith.
Another participant, Zaid Abdulagatov, a
republic sociologist, said that the center has failed to define what extremism
is and has exacerbated that lack by removing from the basic lexicon “national
liberation movement,” a term that would keep Russians from treating as extremist
a phenomenon that is something else.
A third speaker, Akhmed Dzhamaludinov, an
aide to the rector of the Makhachkala Theological Institute, suggested that
Russian officials had failed to recognize that “radicals today have changed the
structure and methods of their work,” dressing like others, shaving their
bears, and opening cafes to attract new recruits.
And a fourth speaker, Ruslan Gereyev, head
of the Center for Islamic Research on the North Caucasus, added that in his
view the biggest problem was that 30 percent of Daghestan’s population consists
of young people, that social lifts don’t work, and that the only choices are
emigration or joining the radicals.
“We joke among ourselves that in Surgut
one can speak Lezgin and that in a short time have been formed entire villages
of Lezgins, Kumyks, and Nogays.” But
those who don’t leave in that way leave in another: they become discouraged and
thus open to recruitment by radical Islamists.
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