Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 20 – The emergence of ethnic enclaves in Moscow and other major cities
is worrying some Russian analysts and officials not only because it shows that
the migrant communities don’t intend to integrate into Russian society but also
because these enclaves or ghettoes may contain militants who will threaten
stability in the country.
Igor
Beloborodov of the Presidential Russian Institute for Strategic Studies (RISI),
says he is especially worried since the Kyrgyz diaspora in the capital is
increasingly ghettoizing and elaborating institutions, such as boxing clubs, in
which there may be weapons and links to ISIS and other radical groups (kp.ru/daily/26870.5/3913058/).
“Many
say,” he continues, “that Moscow is not threatened by the appearance of ethnic
quarters or ghettos … but in fact, world practice shows that ghettoes arisen in
any major city … and we already have something like this.” They may not be as
closed as some elsewhere but they have an entire social and economic pyramid
within them and control large parts of the economy.
Kyrgyz
gastarbeiters who have come to Moscow
are outnumbered by Uzbeks and Tajiks, but in contrast to the latter, they have
formed much tighter communities whose members can get almost all the services
they need from other Kyrgyz who speak their language and share their culture.
As a result, they are far less inclined to speak Russian or integrate.
Meanwhile,
in an article for the influential Voyenno-Promyshlenny kuryer, Grigory
Nikonorov and Igor Rodionov express an even bleaker view. They say that
“migrants are preparing for battles in the streets of Russian megalopolises”
and could threaten public order in these cities (vpk-news.ru/articles/44250).
An
analysis of military actions in this century, the two say, “show that
megalopolises are ever more often the arenas of armed conflict. Battles in city
neighborhoods give unique opportunities to the weaker side to gain equality”
with their opponents who have more weapons but can’t easily use them against
such insurgents.
Not
only is it harder for states to fight on the streets of their own cities, the military
experts suggest; but governments are reluctant to use the force they have to
suppress urban risings in many cases lest they alienate potential allies. And
they argue that the new force in this situation is often formed by immigrant
workers.
If
economic conditions decay, these workers in many cases turn to crime rather
than return to their homelands, Nikonorov and Rodionov say. And that union of ethnicity and crime often
make such communities more powerful than would otherwise be the case, as was
true in Odessa in 1944.
Russia
today faces a serious problem. According to Russian officials, there are approximately
20 million migrant workers in the country, legal and illegal; about 70 percent
of them are followers of Islam.
Officials don’t have tight control over them, and as a result, they are
increasingly acting outside of the Russian legal field.
Some
argue, the two say, that migrants still form a relatively small share of Russia’s
population, less than 20 percent. But that is the wrong way to view the situation,
they suggest. Of residents of the country between the ages of 18 and 34, almost
a third are immigrants. Moreover, while Russians are spread throughout the
country, migrants are concentrated in major cities.
As
a result, the two military specialists argue, Russia’s “urban infrastructure
could be at some point violated or taken under control” by the migrants. Because of the language barrier, the closed
nature of ethnic groups, and their involvement with crime, the authorities face
a far greater challenge than most now assume.
Access to information networks, the
two say, “make sabotage or an uprising completely possible” in Russia; and
consequently, the authorities need to develop specific measures to counteract
these dangers. “The migrant factor must be included both in the defense
strategy of the country and in the development of military tactics in urban
agglomerations in particular.”
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