Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 17 – Russia now is in a state of war with the West, and Vladimir Putin
must choose between the strategy of Nicholas II or that of Joseph Stalin,
between one that made concessions at home and abroad only to end in disaster
and a second that tightened the screws at home and launched new attacks abroad,
according to Maksim Shevchenko.
The
left of center commentator says that conflicts within the United States now “threaten
the Russian Federation with serious problems,” not because of some deep-seated
Russophobia but rather because the US no longer views Russia as an equal
competitor but rather as a marginal country (echo.msk.ru/blog/shevchenkomax/2259512-echo/).
From
the US perspective, he continues, “Yeltsin-Putin Russia is too weak” to oppose
Washington for long; and the new sanctions now being introduced will “paralyze
the Russian financial system,” and end the access of Russian firms to Western
financial markets. And that leads to “the
impoverishment of the people and the rule of criminal oligarchic-bureaucratic
groups.”
Not
surprisingly, Putin’s ratings are falling because however much television
claims the people support him, in reality the situation is very different. The people
are angry and “today are practically beyond the control of the bureaucracy, the
media and the parties.”
Only
the KPRF remains a real power, Shevchenko says, one that could serve as new
base of support for Putin, “but a shift to an open union with the Stalinist KPRF
would mean a break with Yeltsinism and the West. This is a difficult choice for
Putin, but he now must make some difficult choices.
He
faces two options, Shevchenko says, and neither is entirely attractive. On the one hand, he could “fall to his knees
and admit his defeat, which would be death for the entire Putin entourage. And they
it is certain know this perfectly well.” But the pro-Western part of his ruling
group and some of the oligarchs want exactly that.
But
on the other, Putin could decide on a very different course: He could “make a
radical shift in domestic politics, minimizing the influence of American-connected
liberal-Western democrats … conduct radical social reforms in the interests of the
people … leave the WTO, introduce protectionist measures … and stimulate
domestic production.”
To
do so, he would have to rely on “left of center and patriotic forces.” And the Kremlin
leader would need to launch a far more aggressive attack abroad on the weak
points of American influence in the Middle East and elsewhere and recover
Russian interests and control in the former Soviet space.
Doing
this would be “impossible” if Putin were to continue “the anti-people social
and financial policy within the country.”
He needs to take these steps because “without the return of the real support
of the people,” the kind one gets in a popular war and not in an unpopular
peace, Russia won’t be able to recover and advance.
Over
the last century, Russia has had a leader who chose to play at democracy at
home and make compromises abroad and another who did not do either but rather
built power at home an abroad. What strategy will Putin choose? That of
Nicholas II or that of Joseph Stalin? On this depends “the future of the
country and of millions of its citizens.”
Given
that a new world war is “already going on,” Putin must choose soon and choose
the right option, Shevchenko continues.
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