Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 18 – One of the many unfortunate developments in the post-Soviet space
is that agents from one government manage to operate on the territory of
another with apparent impunity in an effort to intimidate, harm or even seize
and return dissidents to their country of origin.
This
problem typically exists below the radar screen of the host countries or of the
West and that makes a new article by Kseniya Kirillova of Radio Svoboda about a
Russian activist who fled to Ukraine in 2014 and now helps Kazakh dissidents
under threat especially important (ru.krymr.com/a/rossiyskiy-politbezhenec-o-zapugivanii-kazahstankih-aktivistov-v-ukraine/29439640.html).
Aleksey Vetrov formed the Nizhny
Novgorod Civic Movement in 2011 to coordinate protests there, she writes. He also took part in demonstrations in Moscow
and elsewhere. That brought him to the attention of the siloviki, and he was slated to be arrested. But he learned about
that in advance and fled to Ukraine to seek protection.
The UN commissar for refugees
recognized him as a political refugee, but the Ukrainian government did not
give him that status. He nonetheless continued his civic activity,
first for victims in the Donbass and then for political refugees from
Kazakhstan who came to Ukraine in the hopes of protection.
Vetrov is now a leader of the émigré
operations of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan, a group Astana describes as extremist
because it opposes the same problems in Kazakhstan that dissenters face in Russia:
“the absence of rotation in power, total corruption, persecution for dissent,
and mass tortures in camps that sometimes lead to deaths.”
Kazakh opposition figures have
protested against all these things, but most of them are now either behind bars
or in emigration. The authorities in Astana are increasingly trying to silence
those abroad through the use of the Kazakhstan special services, Vetrov tells the
Radio Svoboda journalist.
Kazakh dissidents living in Ukraine
have reported that they have been followed and harassed by agents from their
homeland and say that they have sought protection from Ukrainian officials but
without particular success. In at least some cases, Ukrainian officials may be
cooperating with Kazakh ones. (facebook.com/100012043548093/videos/454735054937942/).
The activities of the Kazakh agent
network in Ukraine rise and fall with political protests in Kazakhstan. When
there are numerous protests, the agents intensify their activities, Vetrov says;
when things quiet down now as they have over the summer, then the agents become less active at least
at an observable level.
Vetrov himself has been the victim
of tracking by this agency, and he is worried about his own security in the future.
“Because I have been refused official status as a refugee, Ukraine doesn’t
guarantee my security,” and the UN program for resettling refugees into third
countries was recently closed.”
“Not having a Russian foreign passport,”
he continues, “I myself do not have the opportunity to go to a third country
and therefore remain in Ukraine where at the
moment danger clearly threatens.
I am very worried about Kazakhstan special services’ efforts to gain access
to information on the computers of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan.”
And that makes him worry about his
own future, Vetrov says. After all, he is “a living bearer of this information.”
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