Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 13 – Given the
alarm in some quarters about the defeat of Kremlin-backed candidates in four
federal subjects in the September gubernatorial elections, many Russian
commentators have barely concealed their surprise that the Putin regime allowed
the KPRF’s Valentin Konovalov to win without any opposing candidates in
Khakassia.
Some analysts “close to the
Kremlin,” the editors of Nezavisimaya
gazeta say, explain this decision as being part of a broader effort to
discredit the institution of direct elections altogether by showing that
protest voting allow someone unqualified to gain office (ng.ru/editorial/2018-11-12/2_7436_red.html).
But “protest
voting, the readiness to support anyone as long as he isn’t the candidate of
the powers, characterizes the population’s level of tiredness in the ruling
elite and its rhetoric rather than serves to discredit the institution of
elections as such.” Moreover, the authorities “underestimated the strength of
the protest electorate.”
According to the lead article,
however, there is another and more appropriate way to view what occurred in
Khakassia “and in the country as a whole.”
The political system is designed to be “a cushion of security” for the
powers that be. For that to work, those in charge periodically have to test the
waters to see whether it retains that capacity.
The recent losses to the KPRF or the
LDPR may be regretted in Moscow but they are not a threat to the rulers, Nezavisimaya gazeta says. That is because these systemic parties and
their candidates “are fighting for their own place in the political sun but not
against the system, the power vertical or Putin.”
Moreover, the paper stresses, “the
authorities have a sufficient number of levers to subordinate to themselves any
head of a region elected after he enters office.” As a result, the regime can and indeed on
occasion must test the waters. Usually it has been proved right, but “in
Khakassia, this maneuver didn’t work.” The protest electorate was too strong.
As the Moscow paper notes, “the
ruling elite is interested in the first instance in 2024. According to existing
laws, Vladimir Putin can’t run for another presidential term. Consequently, a
successor to him must be found. But a successor is not only a specific person
but also a definite model of behavior, an answer to the demands of society.”
“The political fall of 2018,” the
editors conclude, “is one of the first attempts of the authorities to feel the
basis under their feet and to understand what this demand may in fact be.”
Whatever it learns in any particular case is unlikely to be determinative, but
it will go into formulating the answer to the question the powers that be are
most interested in.
The election of any particular
governor does not rise to that level by itself.
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