Paul Goble
Staunton,
October 31 – Although he comes from Petersburg, Vladimir Putin is above all “not
a European politician but rather an anti-European one” because he views the
democratic values of Europe as a threat to his power. Lev Shlosberg says. As a
result, he prefers to cooperate with authoritarian China and “is gradually
converting Russia into a Chinese colony.”
Despite
all his talk about “’sovereignty,’” the Pskov opposition politician says, Putin
is in fact renting out “gigantic Siberian territories” to China and “re-orienting”
Russian production toward China away from the West. That presents “an extremely dangerous” specter
for the future (afterempire.info/2018/10/31/shlosberg/).
This trend, Shlosberg says, reflects
the fact that Putin is anything but a contemporary leader. He is a person of the
past, and his preferred model for Russia and its rule is drawn from that past, with
its hyper-centralized empire ruled by diktat from the center. That antiquated
approach is leaving Russia ever further behind the rest of the world.
Nowhere is this more obvious that in
his approach to the regions. Under Putin, “the Russian Federation is not a
federation. De fact we have a unitary and centralist state where all resources
and authority are concentrated in the federal center” and where everywhere
else, including even Petersburg is “a rightless ‘province.’”
This pattern reflects “the
traditional, centuries-old desire of the Kremlin ‘to run everything,’” but it
has more recent causes as well, Shlosberg says. Economically, this imperial
rebirth was put in place by Aleksey Kudrin who, despite his reputation as a
liberal, shifted resources away from the regions to the center and deprive the
former of any independence.
When the Soviet Union collapsed,
there was a brief moment when the regions mattered and Moscow had to deal with
them. But “one should not idealize the 1990s. In reality, the Russian elite of
those years did not understand what a federation is.” They acted as they did only
because they had to and constantly took steps to recentralize the country.
Politically, this drive took off
under Putin who has sought to deprive the regions of any independence whatsoever. For him, “regional political parties are
really unacceptable and dangerous. They are capable of destroying the system of
current federal parties which are completely controlled by the Presidential Administration
and the special services.”
Were such parties to be legalized, many in local elites
would desert the federal parties and move to them; and the regional parties
would defeat the latter because they would know the local situation better and
have greater trust and support in the population. That would undermine the
entire current system, but there is no real chance for that until there are
real elections.
Moreover,
before such parties can emerge, Russia must “restore the economic and legal
bases of federalisms, in tax sharing, budgetary policy, the distribution of
authority and so on.” At present, regional assemblies spend “no less than two
thirds” of their time “bringing regional laws into correspondence with federal
ones” rather than taking needed decisions.
According
to Shlosberg, “the protests in Ingushetia are a sign that the people can rise
up in defense of its land” even in the current situation and despite Kremlin control
over the appointment of governors. “Evens
of this kind can certainly take place in any Russian region,” and so there is
hope.
“But the misfortune is that today we
are ruled by profoundly backward people,” he continues. The Kremlin operates according to categories
that were failing in the 20th century. “For them, the 21st
century has not yet arrived: they are yesterday’s people.”
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