Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 19 – Vil Mirzayanov,
the leader of the Tatarstan government in exile, says that he believes the
Tatar national movement must follow the Baltic path both before achieving
independence by reaching out to the parliaments of the world for support and
after achieving it by promoting the revival of the Tatar language and culture.
In an interview with Vadim Shtepa,
the editor of the Tallinn-based Region.Expert portal, the Tatarstan
activist says it is unreasonable to expect governmetns with diplomatic ties
with Moscow to openly back Tatarstan independence but contacts with parliaments
will allow his organization to spread the word about their aspirations (region.expert/tatarstan/).
Mirzayanov says that his
government in exile has already achieved “positive results” I that regard with the
Verhovna Rada of Ukraine.
As far as developing contacts
with and expecting support from the liberal movement in Russia or in the
emigration in such groups as the Free Russia Forum, the Tatar leader says that “no
liberal movement in Russia or its representatives can cooperate with us for
they are themselves model imperialists; that is, they are always for the preservation
of the empire.”
And even if they are
sympathetic to the aspirations of the Tatars or other non-Russians, Russian
liberals know that they risk criminal charges and prison time if they support them
and thus call the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation into
question.
Mirzayanov says that
the movements for independence of the Middle Volga republics at the end of
Soviet times failed because they were controlled by communist bosses who viewed
sovereignty simply as a device to allow them to steal even more from the people
than Moscow had. None of them was really interested in “full independence from
Moscow.”
“It is clear,” he
continues, “that in the actual liquidation of the sovereignty of the republics,
the main role was played by the neo-imperial policy of Moscow. But even the
first president of sovereign Tatarstan, Mintimir Shaymmiyev later because Putin’s
trusted figure and worked for his reelection in 2018.
That can only be
explained, Mirzayanov says, by the following fact: “Mintimir Shaymiyev is a
convinced communist and never deviated from the approach of the CPSU. He and
his student Minnikhanov understand friendship of the peoples in the form of a leading
role of the elder brother, the Russian occupiers and the fulfillment of their
orders by the Tatar people.”
As a result, he continues,
under Shaymiyev and Minnikhanov, “the speed of the assimilation of the Tatars
and the destruction of their culture and language accelerated by many times”
over what it was in Soviet times. Now most Tatars are Russian speakers, something
Soviet obkom secretaries could never dream of.
Shtepa asked Mirzayanov
about his vision of the future of Tatarstan and its relations with its
neighboring republics. He said he favors
following the Baltic model and promoting the revival of Tatar language and
culture, but he suggested that he finds it difficult to imagine any Idel-Ural
federation or confederation.
That could happen over
time, Mirzayanov says; but he adds that he wants “to stress that an independent
Tatarstan does not want to become in any way a kind of metropolis of some
future mini-empire.” It wants good relations with its neighbors just as the
Baltic countries have with each other, but it wants to be an independent state.
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