Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 16 – By preventing
opposition candidates from even being allowed to run, the Kremlin is creating
its own nemesis, the appearance of real politics with real political leaders,
something that reflects the stupidity of the authorities who cannot see or do
not recognize what they are doing, Leonid Gozman says.
Most important, the opposition
political argues, is this: those Russians who were trying to register as
candidates despite all their radicalism by so acting were agreeing to “play
according to the rules.” Consequently, the authorities could have entered into
dialogue with them, splitting some off and strengthening the regime (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/182902).
“But to use such
opportunities,” Gozman says, “one must have intelligence” and that is exactly
what the powers that be in Moscow don’t have. Instead, they blocked these
radicals and thus opened the way for even more radical opposition figures to
argue with success that any compromise with the powers that be is
impossible.
To be sure, he acknowledges, having
two or three opposition figures in the Moscow city council would create
“definite problems for the authorities,” more outside the council than within
it, because their presence would show that opposition to the current regime is
not hopeless and can even on occasion succeed.
But the Kremlin did what it has
usually done – it blocked their candidacies and dispersed or detained those who
came out in support of them. Given its
power resources, the regime can do that at least for a time, but by doing so,
it has not only made any concessions later harder for it to do but also ensured
that the opposition will become more radical.
The result of the Kremlin’s latest
action based on its failure to understand both its own interests and what is
happening in society, Gozman says, is that “the chances for harsh scenarios –
from a revolution to the introduction of martial law have risen sharply.” Neither side can back down easily.
Opposition figures can’t back down either because
to do so would cost them their political careers. The leaders of protests, he
points out, are “leaders only to the extend that they express the attitudes of
the population” and especially of their immediate entourage. Consequently, they
almost certainly will become more radical or be replaced by those who are.
In this rapidly deteriorating situation,
Gozman says, “the stability of the powers that be is defined not by how many
people are prepared to actively speak out against them.” Rather it is the
number of those who are voluntarily ready to come to the defense of the
authorities. Today, he suggests, there aren’t that many left, just as was the
case in February and October 1917.
That is because those who work for the regime
recognize that if the regime does fall, they will be at risk of judicial and
possibly other forms of reprisal; and they know that those who act most
vigorously now to defend a weakening state are likely to be the ones against whom most vigorous actions will be taken by
the successor state.
In this situation, many commentators are
talking about whether the opposition will unite; but that is the wrong way to
look at things, Gozman says. What will happen and indeed is beginning to occur
is “not the unification of existing structures” but “the formation of new ones”
under new people.
Those leading protests now are doing so as
individuals, cooperating with other individuals. None of them genuinely
represents any political parties, “a large part of which if they existed at
some point in the past, already represent candy wrappers without any candy
inside.”
“Politics,” Gozman says, “is a dialogue
with society.” The existing parties may talk to each other but they long ago
ceased to talk to society. Those who are
trying to take part in city elections, in contrast, are talking with society
and thus are engaged in the most immediate form of political activity.
According to the opposition politician,
“this is a new situation,” one in which even if Kremlin forces keep these new
politicians from participating, there are now “politicians and, what is the
main thing, politics.”
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