Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 17 – The way in which
the cases of two journalists arrested in the North Caucasus are playing out suggests
that “the Golunov factor” is indeed echoing beyond the ring road but that its
echoes may be prompting the powers that be to change their tactics and thus put
journalists at even greater risk, according to commentator Sergey Zharkov.
The success Russian civil society
had in securing the release of Moscow reporter Ivan Golunov and prompting the
Kremlin to fire two senior generals as a result has generated hopes that this marks
a fundamental change in Russian life, one activists elsewhere are counting on caucasustimes.com/ru/faktor-galunova-na-severnom-kavkaze/).
But two cases, one in
Kabardino-Balkaria and a second in Daghestan, suggest that what happened with
Golunov is only an imperfect precedent and that the siloviki are now adjusting
their tactics in ways that will make any such success by civil society more
difficult in the future, at least outside of Moscow.
The first of these cases, the arrest
on drug charges of journalist Martin Kochesoko in Kabardino-Balkaria on
practically the same day Golunov was detained, strongly suggested that the
precedent would hold (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/06/russian-authorities-apply-same-tactics.html).
Kochesoko’s arrest draw strong and
immediate protests from Circassian society and even former political leaders,
and in a remarkably short time, he was released from jail although he remains
under house arrest. But there was an
important difference between Golunov and Kochesoko: the latter was not only a
journalist but also a prominent Circassian activist.
Consequently, Zharkov argues, those
who came to his defense were doing so for somewhat different reasons than those
who came out in support of Golunov. But clearly the siloviki were surprised
that so many people were willing to denounce their actions as fake and to
demand Kochesoko’s release.
The situation regarding Abdulmamin
Gadzhiyev in Daghestan is “much more complicated,” the commentator says, most importantly
because the Makhachkala journalist was charged with financing extremism and
participating in terrorist activity, far more serious crimes than the
possession of drugs.
At the very least, by bringing such
charges against Gadzhiyev, the siloviki discouraged those who might be thinking
about supporting the journalist from doing so. And except for his colleagues,
few have been willing as yet to speak out. (For background on his case. see (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/06/militant-underground-in-north-caucasus.html.)
What these two
cases suggest, Zharkov indicates, is that there has been a tectonic shift in
Russian society in recent weeks but that it has been matched by a shift in the
tactics of the siloviki, a shift that means they are likely to bring more serious
charges against journalists they want to silence rather than backing off and allowing
the journalists to do their jobs.
If that proves to be the case, then
two developments are now likely. On the one hand, journalists at least in many
places in the Russian Federation may in fact be more at risk of serious jail
time than they were. And on the other, the alienation many Russians feel toward
the powers that be may continue to intensify.
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