Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 10 – Hanging over
the current constitutional “swindle” has been the question as to why Vladimir
Putin acted now and not closer to 2024, but the answer is at hand, Vladimir
Pastukhov says, in Pushkin’s Boris Godunov. Like his distant
predecessor, the Kremlin leader is afraid the future, even the next three years.
“It
is obvious,” the London-based Russian analyst says, that the fears of Putin and
those around them forced them to hurry, to engage in the second “anti-constitutional
and anti-state revolution” (the first was the installation of a fake president
in 2008-2012) (mbk-news.appspot.com/sences/velikoe-konstitucionnoe-moshennichestvo/).
The only issue that remains unclear
is “the price which society will have as a result,” Pastukhov says. But the
timing of this Kremlin move makes sense from its denizens’ point of view: The
prospects of a union state of Russia and Belarus turned out to be “a mirage,” and
“there were no other instruments for resolving the problem of the extension of
the status quo.”
The Russian Constitution was worked
on in the course of six weeks by people who are afraid, the analyst says. “It
thus became an accidental victim of Putin’s war. We have lost it.” The question
now is “will we keep Russia?” or will be lose that too. There is as yet no
definite answer to that.
The means Putin has used “have
turned out to be more dangerous than the goal” for which they were pursued, Pastukhov
continues. “We will have as a result not simply the extension of Putin’s time
in office. We will have a Putin in a completely different Russia that that
which we were accustomed to see even under him.”
“This will be a Russia even without
the appearance of law, where the main idea, as fixed in the constitution, will
be reduced to the formula: whatever is good for the powers that be is good for
Russia.”
According to Pastukhov, “the
amendments which accompanied the main ‘Tereshkova’ one ‘weigh’ politically more
than this main amendment. Tereshkova makes Putin irreplaceable and immortal. All
the previous amendments which prepared the basis for the final scene in this
drama make obscurantism immortal.”
Pastukhov recalls that in 2008, he
argued that it would be better for Putin to continue to serve a third term than
to engage in the subterfuge of shifting to the prime minister’s office because
violating one provision of the constitution would have been better than violating
the constitution as such.
“It seems to me,” he says, that he “is again
ready to put forward this thesis for discussion. Let Putin be declared ruler
for life via the referendum but leave the Constitution in peace. Of course,
society will suffer, but there will not be any winners” in this process. The powers
must understand that they are setting the stage for their own demise.
“Like the insane operator of a
political Chernobyl,” Pastukhov argues, “they are one by one pulling out the
control rods from the bubbling cauldron of uncontrolled and unlimited violence.
Those in the Kremlin doing this should reread Pushkin” and see that what began
in his opera one place ended in a very different one.
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