Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 29 – On his birthday
in October, Vladimir Putin will become the same age Boris Yeltsin was when he
left office 20 years ago. At that time, Putin was a vigorous 47 and Yeltsin an
obviously ill 68. Now that Putin is approaching that age, Andrey Ivanov says,
the current Kremlin leader increasingly is acting like his predecessor,
especially in the current crisis.
That is all the more so, the Svobodnaya
pressa commentator says, because if Putin remains in office until 2036 as
the constitutional changes allow, he will be 83 – 25 years older than Yeltsin
was when he left office. And the challenges he is likely to face over the
intervening years are likely to be greater and the resources he will have to
deploy against them smaller.
And that raises a fundamental and
fateful question for him and for everyone else: with the passing of time, “will
[Putin] be able to keep the situation in the country under control given the
rapid changes in the world?” The answer is far from as clear as one would want
(svpressa.ru/politic/article/261086/).
That is all the more so because if
Putin remains in office until 2036 as the constitutional changes allow, he will
be 83 – 25 years older than Yeltsin was when he left office. And the challenges
he is likely to face over the intervening years are likely to be greater and
the resources he will have to deploy against them smaller.
Ivanov spoke with historian Valery
Skurlatov of the Moscow Institute for Innovation about this, and Skurlatov suggested
that this is especially true because “over the period of Putin’s rule, Russia’s
lag behind other countries has increased,” something that means there is no
more to make up than there was and that Putin’s aspirations and resources are
increasingly at odds.
In the course of the 20 years Putin
has been in office, other leaders could have achieved far more than he has. “What
do we see in Russia today? Above all, the modernization of the country has been
cut off” and its isolation from the world dramatically increased, all the
result of Putin’s policies.
Had Yury Luzhkov or Yevgeny Primakov
suggested Yeltsin, Skurlatov says, “they would have been able to carry out the
modernization” of Russia. And likely, they would have been able to avoid the
missteps Putin has made that have isolated Russia and left it without any
allies worthy of the name.
Moreover, the analyst continues,
Putin has continued rather than broken with the Russian tradition of not
dealing well with crises. The only thing that works well for him is state propaganda
and the impact of his own remarks on the population and especially on its older age cohorts,
Skurlatov says.
“For many elderly people, [Putin] is
simply a real idol,” he continues, adding that he has “met many people who
after the latest Putin speech almost with tears in their eyes speak about a
rapid breakthrough and great successes of Russia.” That is because “Putin knows
his country perfectly, knows its problems, and says what its people want to
hear.”
Many say that Putin has kept the
elites in line and the people attached to him, Ivanov counters. But Skurlatov
says that neither is as hard a task as it appears: The elite supports him
because its members fear that any change at the top would lead to their own
loss of position and wealth.
And Putin has pursued a strategy of
keeping the Russian people on “a short leash” economically. Those who have to worry how they are going to
survive to the next paycheck are hardly going to go into the streets and demand
political change. But Putin’s abilities in both cases are certainly going to be
tested as he grows older.
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