Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 31 – As the demonstrations
in Khabarovsk which began as a protest against Moscow’s removal of the elected
governor of that region enter their third week, they have changed not only
their demands but how those making them view themseleves. Today, Khabarovsk
people proudly declare that, whatever Moscow thinks, “we are the power here.”
That psychological transformation is
hard to measure and even describe in detail, but such shifts as the events in
some republics at the end of the Soviet period show are the ones on which
future developments are likely to be driven (znak.com/2020-07-31/zhiteli_habarovska_tri_nedeli_vyhodyat_na_stihiynye_mitingi_i_shestviya).
Khabarovsk residents were angered by
Putin’s decision to remove Sergey Furgal and then further infuriated by the
Kremlin leader’s decision to impose on them someone who was part of the same
political party (the LDPR) but not one of their own chosen by election. And this
anger has been further exacerbated by official actions since that time.
The Kremlin-appointed head, Mikhail
Degtyarev, has made it worse for himself and the regime by suggesting that
outside agitators are behind the protests rather than showing that he
understands that the people in the street are the people of Khabarovsk who now
feel empowered to speak up for themselves.
Degtyarov’s regime has detained a
blogger, prompted the driver of the Furgalmobile to declare a hunger strike,
and begun to arrest and fine individuals for taking part in the protests. But
instead of intimidating the people of Khabarovsk, such actions have only made
the population angrier and more ready to protest.
And statements by Khabarovsk
officials that people should not take children to the protests because of the risk
of “psychological trauma” or coronavirus infection or warnings that no one
should risk taking part in such “unsanctioned actions” have proven equally
counter-productive.
The people of Khabarovsk are more
committed than ever to the defense of their rights to choose their own leader
rather than have to live under one imposed by the Kremlin and they are
encouraged by the fact that people in other Far Eastern cities are backing them
and that polls show almost half of all Russians support their aspirations. Only
17 percent oppose them.
Unfortunately and pointing to a
crisis at some point in the future, among those 17 percent are the denizens of
the Putin dictatorship.
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