Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 1 – For most of his
career, Vladimir Putin has been remarkably successful either as a result of his
own cleverness, the weakness of his opposite numbers or simply good luck. But
in recent months, he has suffered one failure after another, raising the
possibility that his luck is running out, Aleksandr Zhelenin suggests.
And even if one does not believe in luck,
others do; and just as the suggestion
that one triumph after another is the result of something like that can
help build one’s support and the expectations for the future, so too one
failure after another can undermine such support and expectations and even
become a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy.
2020 began with what appeared to be
another Putin success, but that apparent success proved not only hollow but
ultimately a failure, Zhelenin says. Yes, Putin pushed through the constitutional
changes he wanted to allow him to remain in power forever; but in doing so, he
showed just how meaningless the constitution is (rosbalt.ru/blogs/2020/07/31/1856594.html).
Worse, he added to its language provisions
which by their obscurantism further alienated the population and suggested to
many that those provisions said more about him and where he wanted to take the
country than anything else he had done.
Still, Putin might have pulled through had two additional misfortunes
not occurred.
One, the collapse of oil prices, he was in
part responsible for; the other, the pandemic, he was not. But his failure to
deal with either revealed weaknesses about his person and his system that had
never been so obvious before. And his
foreign policy moves in Syria and Libya also were more failures than successes
as far as most Russians were concerned.
It was inevitable, the Rosbalt commentator
says, that all this could lead to political problems. And that has happened as
a result of the protests in Khabarovsk following Putin’s removal of a popular
governor, something that allowed the anger many there and elsewhere felt to
overflow.
Putin’s actions in the case of Khabarovsk
governor Sergey Furgal recall the Beilis case of a century ago. “The parallel
is not only that Furgal has also been accused of murders but also that in the
first and the second case, the powers that be were directly involved and the
chief players did not recognize the underlying forces they by their actions put
in play.
Beilis, it is said, didn’t understand that
the ridiculous accusation of ritual murder lodged against him helped reveal and
exacerbate a battle between “two Russias,” “the progressive and democratic one”
and “the reactionary and obscurantist one.” Today, Furgal is in the same
position, and Putin has suffered another defeat no matter how the Khabarovsk
events play out.
“The Khabarovsk events have acquired the
character of an anti-Moscow protest and this means they have become an
anti-system challenge and in this sense, the most serious domestic political
test of the Kremlin after the end of the second Chechen war,” Zhelenin
continues.
“And this crisis is still far from being over.”
“And this crisis is still far from being over.”
But even as that is playing out, Putin has
been involved in another failure, the case of the Wagnerites in Belarus. No
matter how that ends, it represents yet another case where Putin, supposedly the
master tactician and strategist, has acted in ways that are tactically inept
and strategically disastrous.
And even the Kremlin’s response to the environmental
catastrophes in Norilsk and Siberia provide yet another example of failures
without the hope of improvement. No bright future is now on view however much
Putin might like Russians to believe in it. And after the vacation is over and
the pandemic returns, even fewer will.
The epidemiological and economic crises
will certainly intensify raising new questions about whether Putin’s luck has
run out, and those questions will produce a political crisis, however much he
wants to avoid it and however serious that may be for the future of the Russian
Federation.
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