Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 25 – Four days
after the Russian occupation authorities closed down the Gasprinsky Library in
Simferopol as part of their effort to rein in the Crimean Tatars, later reopening it presumably under tighter control, the same
officials allowed a meeting to take place in Bakchisarai in honor of the
centenary of the death of the man after whom that library was named.
On August 19, the
Russian-orchestrated Council of Ministers of the Republic of Ukraine took a
decision to “liquidate” the Ismail Gasprinsky Crimean Tatar Library” and
implemented it the following day, thus ending that institution’s existence just
before its 24th anniversary. But shortly thereafter, they reopened it (korrespondent.net/ukraine/politics/3421011-v-krymu-lykvydyrovana-krupneishaia-krymskotatarskaia-byblyoteka).
The
action came as Russian security agencies were raising the headquarters of the
Crimean Tatar Mejlis, the offices of the “Avdet” newspaper, and the homes of
individual Crimean Tatars ostensibly in a search for radical Islamist and
Crimean Tatar nationalist literature.
But
then on September 23, the occupation authorities did nothing to stop the
convention of a scholarly conference on the occasion of the centenary of the
death of the man for whom the library they had shut down was named: Ismail
Gasprinsky, the great Crimean Tatar advocate of education, modernity, and
progressive Islam (ansar.ru/other/2014/09/24/53533).
What makes this conjunction of
events so tragic and so absurd is that the conference on Gasprinsky and the
echo it and his ideas have among Crimean Tatars and other Turkic peoples is so
much greater and -- from the perspective of Moscow -- more threatening than the
continued existence of a library named for him even if they are now in direct control of it.
At the Bakchisarai meeting, scholars
discussed Gasprinsky’s work as editor of the first Turkic-language Muslim
newspaper in the Russian Empire, “Tercuman,” which appeared between 1883 and
1918, his impact on the Crimean Tatars and other Turks in Russia then and
later, and his ideas on educational and religious reform.
One reason the Russian occupation
authorities probably allowed the meeting to go forward is that it took place
under the auspices of a UNESCO approval of Turkey’s request to designate this
year as a memorial to Ismail Gasprinsky, something even Sevastopol may not have
wanted to challenge.
Evidence of
Gasprinsky’s continuing influence in the Turkic world was provided by a meeting
in the capital of Tatarstan in his memory. Nail Nabiullin, leader of Tatarstan’s
Azatlyk Movement, told the group that “Gasprinsky is a key and unifiying
personality for all Turkic peoples,” someone comparable insignificance to
Chingiz-Khan and Ataturk (turkist.org/2014/09/azatlik-gaspirali.html).
And
historian Rafael Mukhametdinov explained why: Gasprinsky promoted a language
all Turks could read, developed an educational program all of them could use,
and promoted their unity with the slogan, “dilde, fikirde, iste birlik” (“unity
in language, thought and work”) which is still relevant for the Turkic peoples.
Indeed,
the Kazan meeting showed just how that is so in the current situation: Its
participants concluded their session by singing the national hymn of the
Crimean Tatars and the state hymn of the Republic of Tatarstan and expressing
their support for the Crimean Tatars in their struggle against the Russian
occupation of their land.
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