Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 27 – Aleksandr
Dugin, the source of Vladimir Putin’s notions about “Novorossiya,” is rapidly
losing his influence in the Kremlin because of his misreading of the amount of
support in Ukraine for Russia and the amount of support for massive military
intervention there in the Russian capital, according to Vladimir Abarinov.
In a commentary posted yesterday on
Grani.ru, the Moscow commentator says that the Eurasianist’s recent criticism of
Moscow for failing to intervene reflect his own limitations as an analyst and
politician and are rooted in Dugin’s background in the last decade of the
Soviet period (grani.ru/opinion/abarinov/m.233386.html).
Unlike
many of his colleagues, Abarinov says, he doesn’t consider Aleksandr Dugin to
be mad.” A charlatan, to be sure, but not insane in a clinical sense. Rather he is someone who is given to
mysticism rather than analysis and thus charismatic some of the time but
profoundly wrong much of it.
As a young man
in the 1980s, Dugin fell under the influence of the mystic Yevgeny Golovin, a
man so far from politics that he wasn’t viewed as a problem by Soviet
officials. Golovin “very much loved the middle ages,” and his notions informed Dugin’s
thinking. But whereas Golovin was ironic, Dugin took everything at face value, Abarinov
says.
If Dugin became
a traditionalist, medievalist and occult thinker because of Golovin, the Moscow
commentator says, he likely became a conspiracy theorist because of the impact
of his father, a general in the GRU, who saw conspiracies everywhere and whose
son extrapolated them to ever larger categories ever less connected with
reality.
But the
combination of a focus on the occult and conspiracies proved highly seductive
to many in Moscow in the 1990s. The GRU
funded Dugin’s activities and his creation of a Eurasianist movement in
particular, and by 1988, he had become an advisor of Gennady Seleznev, the
speaker of the Russian parliament.
Among
those who fell at least in part under Dugin’s spell was Vladimir Putin who
shared his view that the disintegration of the USSR was “the greatest
geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century” and his passion for
conspiratorial thinking. And in Putin’s statements, one increasingly finds Dugin’s
“words, phraseology, and approach.”
After
the Orange Revolution in Kyiv in 2004, Abarinov says, “Dugin was given carte blanche
to form a European Union of Youth” who could serve, in his words, as “a living
shield on the path of the orange bulldozer” and a kind of neo-oprichniki to
defend the Russian regime of Vladimir Putin.
According
to Abarinov, Dugin was the source of Putin’s obsession with the idea of “Novorossiya,”
and when it appeared that that idea was on its way to realization, Dugin
concluded that his time had come, a conclusion that led him to the excesses of
conspiracy thinking and “imperial gigantomania.”
But
when it became clear that his prediction that all the Ukrainians wanted was to
rejoin Russia, Dugin’s’ influence began to decline; and when he lashed out at
those in Moscow, including Putin, who weren’t prepared to redouble their bets
to retake Ukraine, it declined still further.
As a result, today, Dugin is on his way to the outer edge of political
influence.
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