Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 21 – Aleksandr Sotnik,
who has set up an independent television studio in Moscow, says that “unfortunately
Western politicians absolutely do not understand what is happening in
present-day Russia” and thus are incapable either of assessing the nature of
the threat Vladimir Putin represents or countering it effectively.
In an interview with NR2.com.ua,
Sotnik says that Putin has assembled around himself backward lumpenized people
who dream of Soviet “’greatness’” when “’they feared us and this means they
respected us’” and who are all too happy to come out again as exemplars of Homo
Sovieticus” (nr2.com.ua/News/world_and_russia/Aleksandr-Sotnik-Kreml-reanimiruet-chekistskogo-Frankenshteyna-stalinskih-vremen-80450.html).
But that is not
enough for Putin, the Moscow journalist says. Instead, what is on offer as a
result of his intense propaganda campaign which appeals to “the basest
instincts” of the population is “the reanimation of the Chekist Frankenstein of Stalin’s times” –
angry and suspicion beings who are prepared to see enemies everywhere and ready
to kill them.
The regime is
clearly preparing to move even further in that direction, Sotnik says, noting
that he recently discovered a new prison under construction near Moscow.
Supposedly for illegal migrants, it was in fact being overseen not by the migration
service but by the interior ministry and suggests Putin wants to “convert the
country into a fascist Auschwitz.”
The support
Putin is getting from the Russian population reflects many things, he
continues: indifference, fear, despair, but also “’convinced Soviet people’”
who really want to believe what Putin is saying. These are pure Putinists, “active as a virus
and strong and decisive in their plans for career growth. Today is there star
hour,” and they are ready to seize it.
While the poll
numbers being reported are exaggerated, Sotnik says, his own informal surveys
suggest that popular support for Putin is quite high. Most people with whom he
has talked say “’Putin is right,’ ‘he is doing everything correctly,’ ‘he is a
wise politician,’ and ‘in Ukraine are fascists and a junta.’”
People who say
this get most of their information from Moscow television, but they also like
to say that they have used alternative channels like the Internet. “No one,” he points out, “wants to feel
himself to have been zombified, and it is always possible to find justification
for a cannibal-like position.”
Fewer than a
third of Russians have ever been abroad, and those who have often find
themselves uncomfortable and in a panic run back to what is for them their own
familiar and comfortable society. And this desire to restore a past, despite
all its horrors, is very much in evidence in the Kremlin itself, Sotnik says.
Citing
Churchill’s remark that “’the next generation of fascists will call itself
anti-fascist,’” Sotnik suggests that something similar is at work among
post-communist Russians and their leaders. Playing games with words and
meanings, he points out, is the everyday task of the Russian secret police.
Those who
refuse to call along are labelled enemies. And many find it much simpler not to
look at the Internet but to go along with what is on television: such people
know that by not swimming “against the current,” they won’t have any problems
with the authorities or suffer doubts themselves.
And most
Russians are prepared to accept the false logic that because “we defeated
fascists, we cannot be fascists by definition” and that anyone “who does not
love us is a fascist.” Thinking that way
is “very simple, convincing and sympathetic,” Sotnik says. But even these
people sometimes reflect that they are following leaders who are taking them
into a new hell.
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