Staunton, March 18 – Moscow officials
frequently suggest that the former Soviet republics are “failed states,” implying
that the Russian Federation is a “real” one. But just the reverse is the case,
and the roots of Moscow’s aggression now are to be found in the fact that the
RSFSR never became a state in the ways the others did, according to Valery
Portnikov.
“Historically,” the Kyiv analyst
points out, “the RSFSR, which is precisely the so-called territory which
proclaimed its sovereignty in 1991 was only a part of the enormous Russian Empire
and then of the democratic Russia which was destroyed by the Bolsheviks” (glavred.info/avtorskie_kolonki/territoriya-permanentnoy-agressii-ili-pochemu-rossiya-ne-sostoyalas-kak-gosudarstvo-307777.html).
Indeed, he suggests, the RSFSR from the outset
was “the territory on which the Bolshevik dictatorship was formed.” Poland,
Finland, Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Georgia, Armenia,
Azerbaijan and others refused to recognize Lenin’s power and declared their
independence.”
As a result, “the first and main
function of the RSFSR was aggression against the free peoples of the former
empire,” Portnikov says.
Poland and Finland were able to resist the Bolsheviks. Ukraine and
Belarus were “conquered almost immediately, the countries of the Trans-Caucasus
fought into the 1920s, and the Baltic countries held out until 1940.” But all of them were threatened by the RSFSR
as the core of the USSR.
“The
new empire was restored already in 1922 under the name ‘Soviet Union,’” and “in
this empire, the RSFSR unlike the other union republics did not become a state”
but did “remain a territory of permanent aggression,” Portnikov argues.
The
RSFSR did not have all the attributes of statehood that the others were given.
Most importantly, it did not have “its own Communist Party.” That appeared only
during Gorbachev’s perestroika. Before then, the CPSU ran the RSFSR directly
rather than indirectly through a republic party organization.
According
to Portnikov, this “was not a matter of any lack of respect.” Instead, it
reflected Moscow’s vision of the RSFSR “as a gigantic military base responsible
for uniting the territory of a big country that the communists had come to
dominate.”
The chance that the RSFSR could
become “a real state appeared quite by accident – thanks to the fight within
the apparat between Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin and the harsh struggle
between the CPSU Central Committee and the KGB,” a fight in which “the Chekists
bet on the Russian Federation.”
After the failure of the August
coup, he continues, “the RSFSR little by little was transformed into a real
state – and this happened in the first instance as a result of the rejection by
Russians of their earlier role as oppressors of other peoples.”
This act of “state building, the
first such attempt in the history of the Russian people,” unfortunately turned
out to be “not very successful.” First, Moscow renewed its fight against the
sovereignty of the other peoples of the Federation and then “it shifted to its
customary task of being ‘the gatherer of [other] lands.’”
That is reflected in Moscow’s various
moves: the union state with Belarus, the Eurasian Economic Community, the Eurasian
Economic Union, the occupation of Abhazia and South Osetia, the occupation of
Crimea, and [now] open aggression against Ukraine,” Portnikov says.
As a result, the Russian Federation
now like the RSFSR before it is “not a country but rather a territory of
aggression” against others. Neither the
Russian powers that be nor the Russian people have “any positive program of
state construction” beyond aggression.
And consequently one must with regret view the Russian Federation as a failed
state.”
(For another, earlier and in places more
detailed discussion of this most unfortunate reality, see the article by the
author of these lines: “Russia
as a Failed State: Domestic Difficulties and Foreign Challenges,” Baltic Defense College Review, 12:2
(2004), pp. 76-83, at bdcol.ee/files/docs/bdreview/bdr-2004-12-sec3-art3.pdf.)
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