Paul Goble
Staunton,
March 25 – Andrey Volentir, secretary of Moldova’s Central Election Commission,
says that the Gagauz vote on Sunday that appeared to have brought a pro-Moscow
politician to power may not have been legitimate, a declaration that creates
the kind of uncertainty that the Russian Federation may seek to exploit.
Volentir
said he did not want to say that the elections were illegitimate – that is a
task for the courts – but he pointed to a statistical sleight of hand that
suggests that too few people actually voted to make the election legal under
the terms of the Moldovan law on the special status of Gagauzia (infotag.md/politics-m9/201270/).
“Comrat’s
appeals chamber,” which has the authority to decide on the legality of
elections in Gagauzia, “must consider a number of factors, including the
composition of lists of voters.” That is because the lists compiled according
to its methodology and those compiled according to Moldovan law are different.
If the Gagauz method is used,
the total number of voters is 105,000, while if the Moldovan rules are
followed, the total is 130,000. That in turn means the number of actual voters
would have been 58 percent of the first but only 46 percent of the latter --
not only “a serious difference” but one that means too few people took part to
declare the outcome valid.
According
to Volentir, “this is a problem for the politicians who have not been able to
resolve it.” But now, he says, it is clear that this failure can have “unforeseen
consequences.” And consequently, before making any final declarations about the
vote, “this situation must be studied in detail in order not to give any side
the possibility of speculating on this account.”
Roman Mihaesh, a
Moldovan political analyst, says that he agrees it is too soon to make any
declaration about the election of Irina Vlah. According to him, it is not only
this numbers problem that casts doubt on the outcome but the fact that there
have been at least 30 recorded violations of the election law.
“There are thus weighty arguments” to declare that the
March 22 vote was not legitimate and the results, in which Vlah received 51.01
percent of the vote, are not to be recognized.
Two of the candidates who trailed Vlah, Nikolay Dudoglo and Sergey
Chernyev, both from the Democratic Party of Moldova have also called for a new
vote (infotag.md/rebellion/201269/).
In what could be the first indication that Moscow may get
involved and seek to exploit these divisions, Russia’s Regnum news agency today
pointed out in its report about Volentir’s statement that the head of Moldova’s
Central Election Commission had been appointed by the same party as Dudoglo and
Chernyev (regnum.ru/news/polit/1908489.html).
The
color revolutions in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan all were triggered by
disputes over elections. It is thus entirely plausible that Moscow may use the
same strategy that pro-Western parties used in those three cases to push
Gagauzia and via it Moldova in the opposite direction. At the very least,
Volentir’s statement raises that possibility.
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