Staunton, March 18 – Kyiv analyst
Taras Berezovets says that there is no threat that Vladimir Putin will be
overthrown by a coup, however much his underlings may fight among themselves in
ways that may even help him keep power, but there is a very real threat to
Russia and its elites because of their “sick” over-dependence on the Kremlin
leader.
In
a commentary on “Novoye vremya” today, Berezovets who is head of Berta
Communications argues that “the main danger” in Russia today is its “total
dependence on Putin,” a dependence far greater than the USSR was on any leader
after the death of Stalin (nv.ua/opinion/berezovets/o-boleznennoy-zavisimosti-rossii-ot-putina-39454.html).
After 1953, the top leadership of
the Soviet Union operated largely by collective decision making and thus
blocked things from going too far in any direction, a very different situation
than in Russia now where unlike the CPSU, the ruling part “most often simply
fulfill the function of collecting corrupt rents.”
According to Berezovets, “Putin has
created a situation in Russia similar to that which existed in Stalin’s time,”
one in which the system is so dependent on the supreme leader that his possible
ouster leads many to fear for their futures and whose actual departure is
likely to be accompanied as Stalin’s was by suicides and purges.
Putin’s absence over the last two
weeks underscored that. “The entire upper reaches of the powers in the Russian
Federation were paralyzed: they did not know what to say and they were afraid
of saying something which later could be used to accuse them of disloyalty.”
And their silence provides the clue to what in fact happened.
Putin was either ill or wanted to
test his subordinates for loyalty or both. It is clear that he does have health
problems, but it is also clear that there is a serious conflict between Ramzan
Kadyrov and the country’s force structures in the wake of the murder of Russian
opposition figure Boris Nemtsov.
That conflict has its roots,
Berezovets says, in the conviction of the Russian force structures that they are
the only ones who have the right to use force in that way and their conviction
that Kadyrov ordered the murder, without their sanction but possibly with
support from above, in violation of their understanding of the way the system
is supposed to function.
The siloviki also object to the fact
that Kadyrov gets three billion US dollars out of the budget every year. Thus, a conflict between Kadyrov on the one
hand and the siloviki leadership on the other broke out. Putin pulled back from
the scene to see how things would play out, and in the end, he apparently took
Kadyrov’s side.”
Although serious for its immediate contenders, the Kyiv
analyst continues, it did not at least at the time “bear even the slightest
threat to Putin’s power.” Instead, the
conflict itself served Putin’s goals in two ways: it showed how dependent
everyone in Russia is on his presence, and it was “the latest signal” to the
West that it would face even more reckless and dangerous people in the Kremlin
if he were to be ousted.
But all this is not
unalloyed good news for the Russian president, Berezovets says. Viktor Yanukovich thought he could act as he
pleased – until he discovered that the siloviki in Ukraine would not come to
his defense. “the same thing could happen” in Russia: “the system will save
itself and not Putin, if at some point he becomes a threat for the siloviki or
Kadyrov.”
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