Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 19 – Many Azerbaijanis
now refer to the basic divide within Islam not as being between the Shiia who
form about two-thirds of its population and the Sunni who form one-third but
rather as between “Iranian” and “Turkish” variants, given their weak knowledge
of theology and the support these two countries have given to the rebirth of
Islam there since 1991.
Thus, for example, they refer to particular
mosques by these national terms depending on who paid to build them or who provided the missionaries or trained the Azerbaijanis
who staff them. As long as the basic division between Shiia and Sunni was maintained,
such “national” identifications were a stand in for the theological ones and
had few consequences.
But now there is evidence that
Turkish and hence Sunni Islam is growing faster than is Iranian and hence Shiia
Islam, a trend already affecting Baku’s relationship not only with the Sunni
minority, which includes many ethnic minorities, but even more with the
governments of Iran and Turkey, and one thus potentially more serious than the
appearance of Salafis there.
An analysis on the Ansar.ru portal
calls attention to all these risks. It
cites Arif Yunusov, the author of the oft-cited “Political Islam in Azerbaijan,”
to the effect that “over the last 20 years, the number of new mosques there has
increased a hundred-fold and this trend will continue” (http://www.ansar.ru/analytics/2015/03/16/58406).
“The
new generation of young Azerbaijanis is more interested in religion than are
the representatives of the older generation who were educated in Soviet times,”
he says. And their interest has been promoted by Shiite Iran and by Sunni
missionaries from Turkey, with the latter having a greater impact than the
former.
The
Azerbaijani government, Ansar.ru says, views this a threat because it fears
that the expanding Sunni activity will become the foundation for “a new opposition
force, one interested in getting out from under the jurisdiction of Baku.” That
has led the regime to impose ever tighter controls on Sunni groups.
But
its moves in that direction have been opposed not only by many of the faithful
who see no reason why they should not be able to wear the hijab or have their
own mosques but also by some in Turkey, Azerbaijan’s closest ally, who have
been active in promoting Sunni Islam in the former Soviet republic.
The
situation with regard to Iran is equally complicated, the Ansar.ru analysis
suggests. On the one hand, Iran is Azerbaijan’s immediate neighbors, three
times as many Azerbaijanis live in Iran than live in Azerbaijan itself, and
Azerbaijanis traditionally have been followers of the Shiia trend in Islam
which is centered in Iran.
Thus,
it is not surprising that Iran has provided support of various kinds, monetary,
missionary, and educational, to the Shiia of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
But
on the other hand, Tehran’s relations with Baku are not without problems given
Azerbaijan’s warm relations with Israel, its secular principles, and its
balanced foreign policy with respect to the European Union and the United
States. And all those factors have prompted many in Baku to fear that Tehran
wants to use an Islamist lever against Azerbaijan.
The Azerbaijani authorities, however, appear
to be more concerned now about the rise of Sunni Islam there than they do about
the spread of Shiia views. There are
three reasons for this. First, most of the ethnic minorities in Azerbaijan are
Sunnis, and the growth of Sunni Islam may lead them to become more active and
even secessionist especially in the north.
Second,
many in Baku believe that young people who turn to Sunni Islam may decide to go
to the Middle East to fight Shiite groups, acquire military skills there, and
then return to Azerbaijan and use them to oppose the regime, a fear that many
in Moscow have talked about with regard to Russia and that has some foundation,
if not yet a large one.
And
third, many in the Azerbaijani capital
are worried about a shift in the current balance between Sunni and Shiia
faithful and the way in which that could trigger conflicts between the two
trends, even if many of the followers of each do not understand all the
theological distinctions between them.
Baku commentators
say that there is a disturbing precedent – Iran -- for using such conflicts to establish
theocracies and an equally disturbing possibility that Sunni Muslims may play a
key role in changing the regime in a country – Turkey – which had a long
tradition of secularism.
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