Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 8 – Deciding
whether a leader is a tactician or a strategist profoundly affects how that
individual’s actions are treated. If he is viewed as a tactician, then each of
his moves will be viewed and treated largely independent of all others; but if
he is seen as a strategist, then each of his steps will be seen and responded
to in terms of a broader picture.
It has become “a commonplace,”
Moscow analyst Vladislav Inozemtsev says, that Putin is a tactician of genius
but also that the Kremlin leader is someone “who does not have a long-term
strategy for the development of his own country” and thus “has not formulated a
political and economic model” which he would like to implement (snob.ru/selected/entry/98957).
But in fact “everything is not so
simple,” Inozemtsev argues; and “the more dynamic becomes the activity of the
Russian president, the greater basis there appear to be to conclude that behind
it is concealed a quite precise strategic plan.” The Moscow analyst says he wants to “try to
reconstruct” the Kremlin leader’s concept.
Putin, the Moscow analyst points
out, frequently has called himself a conservative, “but his conservatism is of
a very special type.” Indeed, it would be better to call him “a preservationist,”
someone who views “stability not an analogue of European sustainable
development but rather as one of no development at all.”
Putin views “any changes as a source
of threat,” be they things like homosexuality or the spread of the Internet or
a change in governments in place. He sees “unified Europe” as “having lost any
political meaning” and the information revolution as “incapable of the unrestrained
growth of consumption of raw materials in developed economies.
And at the same time, Inozemtsev
says, Putin “sees in Orthodoxy the main social ‘foundation’ and similary does
not doubt in the rapid return of oil prices to one hundred US dollars or more.”
This view of the world, one very
different from that of most people who today call themselves conservatives “should
not be considered anomalous” historically.
It reflects the cyclical view of history that Plato, Tacitus and
Plotinus advanced in the ancient world. And it has occasionally resurfaced
since that time.
“It seems to me,” Inozemtsev
continues, “that the strategy of the Russian resident is based precisely on a
cyclical treatment of global dynamics” in way that is also reflected in the
acceptance of others of “the end of history” and then “with what piety” history’s
“’return’” was acknowledged.
If that is the correct perspective,
he suggests, “the Putin doctrine of ‘stability’ and ‘conservativism’ can be considered
rational only in one situation – in the case that we view everything that has
taken place in the last several decades as a gigantic deviation from the norm”
and a necessarily “temporary” one at that.
“Only if one starts from the proposition
that the collapse and disintegration of the Soviet Union was a temporary
mistake, that ‘morals return like the seasons,’ that democracy is a short-lived
and unstable state of society period imperial periods of its history, that
peaceful coexistence and deep economic integration are no more than a prelude
to an era of new Versailles and Potsdams do the actions of Vladimir Putin look
like the embodiment of truly strategic thinking.”
But if that is how he views the world, then “the task of
a great political leader is not to try to catch up with anyone or to search for
the proper niche for accelerated development,” but rather to adopt “a real
strategy” of opposing any change, of freezing development, of cleansing society
morally, and of preparing to block any moves toward change.
Inozemtsev
says that he very much hopes that he is mistaken, but he unfortunately has
concluded that “at the head of the Russian state stand a man who really, as
Angela Merkel said, ‘lives in another world,’” one very much at odds with
contemporary reality.
In
Putin’s world, “the main strategy is to secure by many means the absence of
change, to constantly distract people by shifting the object of their
attentions from one senseless subject to another, to allow the outflow of
qualified and independent citizens capable of demanding reforms and changes,
and to torpedo modernization in order to preserve at etatist economy.”
Viewed
from within this paradigm, the Moscow analyst says, “absolutely all the actions
of the Russian president look consistent and rational – but only” within that
worldview. But at some point this approach will lead to collapse because it
puts Russia on a path which is absolutely opposed to modernization as
understood almost everywhere else.
Unfortunately,
Inozemtsev says, this is exactly what Putin appears to have decided to do; and
it is likely to last for some time because “this is hardly the whimsical choice
of a dilettante but rather a [carefully constructed if fatally flawed]
strategic course.”
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