Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 12 – Only the naïve
think that Vladimir Putin’s next term will be his last time in power or that
there will be a palace coup or revolution against him, Fedor Krasheninnikov
says. But his power vertical is far less stable than was that of the CPSU and the
succession after him will be far more chaotic and uncertain.
Putin’s 18 years in power by his design
have led to “the liquidation of any possibilities for a peaceful, democratic
and planned transformation of the current political regime,” the Yekaterinburg
analyst says. But the system he has
created is so dependent on him personally, that the transition to a new leader is
extremely uncertain (snob.ru/selected/entry/132213).
“When every policemen and mayor … has
his limited powers only because they are guaranteed by the next up the line and
when those exist only because Putin has chosen them, [his] departure from the scene
would instantly destroy the system by transforming bosses into a crowd of
frightened people without any basis for their positions,” the analyst says.
And regardless of whether anyone
wants this or not, “every passing year brings it ever closer” if for no other
reason that the actuarial tables.
The contrast with Soviet times is
instruction, Krasheninnikov says. The USSR fell apart when the CPSU ceased to
be a constitutionally defined power vertical.
The soviets were simply “a fiction,” with real power in the party and
its nomenklatura control. “This was the
true power vertical in the USSR.”
And it was far
more important in ensuring stability and the transfer of power than the loyalty
of the security agencies or anything else because everyone looked to the party
hierarchy with the Politburo at the top and knew that it could and would take
decisions and then impose them on the country.
“Now,” the analyst continues, “the
situation is much more unstable. With the exception of the president, all those
organs of power which run the country according to the Constitution are de facto fictions.” The most important
decisions are taken by the president and an informal grouping of people around him
that is nowhere defined by law and the constitution.
Consequently, in the Putin system, “there
is no single ‘party of power’ or even more a Politburo known to all. Instead,
there is an indefinite circle of trusted people who are close that is formed
exclusively on the principles of long-standing friendship, common fate, family
ties, similarities and other informal characteristics, among which chance plays
a key role.”
And that points to another distinction
of the Putin system from its Soviet predecessor. “The Soviet Politburo consisted of self-standing
figures, each of which had his own experience or rising to power and an
independent weight and influence. Otherwise they could never have made this
ascent.”
But those very characteristics of the
Politburo, Krasheninnikov continues, made the transfer of power in the USSR
relatively straightforward. “In any case, the new general secretary would be
one of the members of the Politburo and he would be recognized as such both in the
country and abroad.”
This system worked numerous times,
right up to 1985, and its ability to do so showed that “only an effective and
strong structure of political power could peacefully survive frequent changes
of leaders in a situation which each successive one was less capable physically
than his predecessor.”
The current Putin system has nothing
like this and therefore when he does exit the scene, there is no certainty as
to who or what may succeed him. “The
official political elite of Russia looks like a clutch of zeroes who have acquired
billions and trillions only in a situation wehre oer them stands the single
boss, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin.”
For the existing Russian system, he
is truly “irreplaceable and indispensable,” and consequently, there is no
possibility to transfer power in ways that everyone will recognize and accept
immediately, opening the way to chaos at the top and possible disintegration below,
the analyst continues.
“The prolongation of Putin’s one-man
rule … is not a way out of this situation to a new level and not a way out for
the president himself, his entourage or for those who sincerely believe that
only a change at thee stop can security stability in the country.”
Instead, Russia has entered “a pause,”
one that could “end at any moment” and for the reasons outlined “acquire rapid
and radical changes for which both society and the authorities are unprepared.”
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