Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 27 – The best
explanation for Vladimir Putin’s intervention in Syria has been the improvement
of the capabilities of the Russian armed forces, something he has succeeded in
doing with each conflict he has dispatched them to, Israeli analyst Avraam
Shmulyevich says.
In an interview with the Russian
Monitor portal, he says that one of his well-connected friends in Moscow has
told him that “we are preparing for war, but it is not yet clear with whom” (rusmonitor.com/avraam-shmulevich-rossiya-gotovitsya-vvyazatsya-v-bolshuyu-vojjnu-no-poka-ne-znaet-s-kem.html).
It is entirely possible, Shmulyevich
says, that Putin will send in Russian forces into conflicts where Moscow has no
particular interest in the outcome in order to continue improve the skills of
Russian troops; and that makes it extremely difficult to say where he will move
or when.
It is completely clear that “Russia
is preparing for war.” It has created a war machine far above its economic capabilities,
and therefore it will use it in order to solve its domestic failures to produce
in any other sector. If it fails to go to war, the Putin regime not only will
lose face but possibly power as well.
Some say Putin
will send forces into Libya, and that is possible, he continues; but doing so
would represent a far more direct challenge to the West than his intervention
in Syria because Libya is more important to Europe and the US than Syria was
and remains. And Russia is not in a
position to fight the West on Libyan soil: it is too far away for Russia to be
able to effectively.
What one must understand,
Shmulyevich says, is that Putin is “absolutely sincere” when he talks about the
collapse of the USSR as “the greatest catastrophe of the 20th
century” and something he really wants to reverse by restoring the Russian
Empire and its role as an international power.
And because the Kremlin leader
cannot offer any positive model that would attract the former components of
this entity to join with Russia, the Israeli analyst continues, he will use
military means to achieve it, either directly or by forcing other countries to
defer to his rapid seizure of this or that part of the empire.
It remains an open
question whether Putin fully understands what he is doing or what his military
is capable of; but it is very clearly the case that he sees the use of military
force as a means of achieving his goals and will use it to do so, Shmulyevich
argues. And he suggests that the three most probable scenarios from which Putin
will chose are the following:
First, a full-scale war with
Ukraine, one in which Russia will use such a level of force that even those in
the West who support Kyiv now will pull back lest doing more get them involved
in a war with Russia. Such a move will be all the easier if the US is tied down
in a conflict with North Korea and hopes to keep Russia on its side.
Second, although this may seem “fantastic,”
Putin may use military force against North Korea as “a subcontractor to the US.” That would force the US to take Russia’s
interests into consideration, including on Ukraine and other issues. Given the
Kremlin’s propaganda means, it could turn the country “not in 24 hours but in
24 minutes” in this new direction.
Or third, Putin could move
militarily into northern Kazakhstan, a still predominantly ethnic Russian area
that the Kremlin leader and many Russians believe was illegitimately taken from
them in the same way Crimea was. Such a move
would strengthen Russia’s hand in dealing with China as well as expanding the
empire.
The most probable trigger of a
Russian military move would be “a serious confrontation between the US and
Korea,” Shmulyevich says, because if that conflict takes off, America will find
its hands tied and it will be most interested in “purchasing the loyalty of
Russia,” most probably by getting Washington to show understanding of Moscow’s
moves elsewhere.
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