Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 11 – Twice since
World War I put an end to the imperial paradigm in Europe, Russia has suffered
an identity crisis that has blocked its move toward a modern nation state, the
first time as a result of the Bolshevik revolution which held the empire
together under a new ideology and the second from the 1991 collapse that Moscow
is seeking to reverse.
According to Pavel Mezerin, the editor
of the Free Ingria regionalist site who has been forced into exile in Lithuania,
“the new democratic Russia just as in 1917 could not find meaning in its
existence and role in the world” and because of this “identity crisis” is “again
trying to become an empire” (afterempire.info/2017/02/10/reset2/).
This means “only
one thing,” he continues: “If this process is not stopped, then new armed
conflicts around the perimeter of its external borders will continue and
intensify.” And that makes “a reset” of the Russian system a vital issue not
only for its own people but “also for all the countries of the post-Soviet
space without exception.”
How and how soon Putin’s “neo-imperial
policy” will collapse depends “not only and not so much on Washington, London
and Berlin,” Mezerin says. “To a much greater degree it depends on the
neighboring states who for along time were within the orbit of Russia’s
influence and better than any others understand its essence and nature.”
To a great extent, it depends on
Ukraine and on the willingness and ability of Ukrainians to play a major role
in the internal processes of Russia itself. “As long as an authoritarian and
centralized Muscovite state exists, it will not allow the return to Europe of Ukraine
or any of the remaining countries which were once republics of the USSR. That is axiomatic.”
These countries have support within
Russia. At least 20 million Russians
oppose Putin’s policies in Ukraine, if current polls are to be believed. And
Ukraine should make use of that base to change Russia and thus change Russian
policy toward Kyiv. It might even
consider forming an alliance with others to promote in Russia “a real
federation of free gubernias and republics.”
According to Mesherin, “the idea of
independence from Moscow is actively being discussed in the present-day Russian
Federation not only in the national republics but also in regions, the larger
part of whose population consists of ethnic Russians.” So far these discussions
are being conducted quietly but that doesn’t mean they aren’t happening.
Social networks in Pomor kray,
Karelia, St. Petersburg, Kaliningrad oblast, the Kuban and Siberia “already
united thousands of supporters of greater political autonomy for these regions.”
Their chief “thesis is everywhere the same: Russia has a chance to be preserved
as a single political subject only if it is radically democratized and decentralized.”
“Let us hope that when the historical
moment comes, the regional transformation of the Russian Federation will be
carried out by a peaceful and non-violent way.” If that happens, Putin and his
entourage may discover that the real “Russian world” is not the one they
imagine, struggling for the past; but a new one struggling for the future of an
expanded Europe.
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