Paul Goble
Staunton,
December 7 – Jihadism emerged in the North Caucasus long before ISIS because
their leaders drew on the Soviet ideology and the Russian tradition to promote
an armed campaign against Moscow’s control of Muslims in general and the North
Caucasus in particular, Denis Garayev says.
In a
presentation yesterday to a Moscow conference on “The Modernization of Muslim
Communities in the 19th and 20th Centuries,” the North
Caucasus scholar now teaching at the University of Amsterdam described what to
many may seem this paradoxical development (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/328846/).
(His
presentation drew on an article he published last year on the same topic available
at academia.edu/34835331/Идеология_русскоязычного_джихадизма_до_ИГИЛ_рецепция_советского_как_рождение_постсоветского_радикализма_Государство_религия_церковь_в_России_и_за_рубежом._2017._3._С.170_201.)
“In the post-Soviet period in the
North Caucasus and in part in other regions appeared an entire generation of jihadist
ideologues,” the scholar says. “There were varied people but they were united
by the fact that they could speak about jihad in a language accessible to the
Russian-language public.” In all cases, they understood it to be about armed
struggle against Moscow.
Their jihadist discourse, Garayev
continues, “was born on the basis of the Soviet intellectual tradition” with “the
Islamization of its content taking place later.” The agenda of the jihadists in
many cases drew on the agenda of Soviet ideology, although the jihadists put it
to a very different use than the Soviets intended.
That is particularly the case with
four areas, Garayev says. The Soviets criticized “bourgeois nationalism” and so
too do the jihadists. The Soviets employed anti-colonial rhetoric which the jihadists
accepted and turned against the Soviets. The Soviets spoke about the need for
justice and the struggle for justice, ideas the jihadists employed as well.
Even the Soviet criticism of the
Muslim leaders and hierarchy, on the one hand, and of Sufism, on the other, he
continues, “appeared in the works of the ideologues of jihadism.”
In short, “the post-Soviet jihadists
in the North Caucasus applied the lexical and terminological methods which were
well known in the Russian-language cultural space there” because of the work of
Soviet ideologists. Indeed, one could say that they simply harvested the seeds
the Soviets planted.
And the jihadists took more from the
Soviet tradition than just general ideological tropes. They drew on the works
of Chingiz Aitmatov and especially his novel, A Day Longer than an Age. Moreover,
they drew on the works of Lev Gumilyev and particularly his ideas about
passionarity.
Garayev notes that “Yandarbiyev was
a graduate of the Literature Institute. General Dudayev besides being a flier was
trained as a political leader. He used the term ‘Rusism’ which before him was employed
by the Russian liberal dissident of the 19th century Aleksandr
Herzen to denounce the foreign policy of the Russian Empire.”
“Namely Dudayev was the one who
again made use of this term and thanks to him it returned to the Russian
lexicon. Probably he was acquainted with this term from Herzen’s works,”
Garayev says. As for Yasin Rasulov, his most famous jihadist work was a
reworking of his unsuccessful dissertation for a Soviet university.
Another participant in this
discussion, Islamicist Igor Alekseyev of the Russian State Humanities
University, adds another dimension to Garayev’s argument. He said that “the
Russian language of Russian Islam become more Russian,” with Russian Muslims being
“strongly Russified regardless of their ethnic attachments.”
“For practically all of them,
Russian became their native language. A paradoxical situation obtained: Nineteenth
century Orthodox missionary and scholar Nikolay Ilminsky wrote that if an alien
accepted Orthodoxy, he already had been Russified in his heart.” But the
Muslims turned this observation upside down.
“Russian Muslims were Russified in
their hearts without the acceptance of Orthodoxy.” That happened, Alekseyev
continues, because for the generation that came of age at the end of Soviet
times, “national languages in fact were foreign tongues.” They might be spoken
at home but “the younger generation thinks and writes in Russian.”
“They have no problems with translating
very familiar Arab terms into Russian. Rather, they have an opposite problem, Alekseyev
says.
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