Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 15 – Because of Vladimir Putin’s moves to integrate the regional
governments into his “power vertical,” there are no regional elites worthy of
the name with sufficient autonomy to articulate and fight for a program of
decentralization and federalism in the Russian Federation, Pavel Luzin says.
But
the regionalist author argues that there is an alternative group of officials
and activists who could take up the cause: the major cities whose elites and
activists have significantly greater local autonomy and control than do those
in the existing the regions at the present time (region.expert/forget/).
If these cities act in this way, Luzin
says, they can both articulate a federalist agenda and become centers around
which new and more natural regions will form, in place of those that the center
has long been accustomed of imposing on the country. Those who want to see
stronger regions should thus be looking at the cities and their
self-administration rather than the regions.
“The present-day situation in Russia is
characterized by the fact that there are simply no regional elites in it,” he
continues. That is, there are no elites in
the regions which exist “as communities of politically or economically
influential players having a clear degree of autonomy in their actions and operating
with the support of a significant part of the citizens” there.
Instead, what are called “regional elites”
in Russia are powerless administrators whose task is “only the implementation
of the policy of the center.” They struggle in bureaucratic fashion for resources
that the center controls. How strong these elites are depends on how many resources
they can extract from Moscow rather than how many they control.
Economic and intellectual “elites” in the
regions also are largely controlled by resources which the center controls
rather than having any self-standing power, Luzin says, although they may have
more independence of action than do those in the regional governments. Consequently,
there is no one at the regional level
to formulate decentralizing and democratic demands.
But despite this, there remains “the potential
for decentralization and general federalism in Russia.” There is a growing sense across the country
that it cannot develop unless it decentralizes and there is a group of
officials who can promote this idea and make demands. It consists of those elected
at the municipal level. They can and must take the initiative.
Despite what many think, “we have seen
that the ability of people for self-organization at the local level in Russia
is very well developed.” Russians can and do act locally. “The problem is that given
the weakness or absence of horizontal civic ties among these cities and
settlements,” the center does not hear such demands.
“A historic chance for decentralization
and democratization of Russia will be in the hands of major cities like
Yekaterinburg, Perm, Novosibirsk, Krasnoyarsk, Vladivostok and so on. It is in such
cities that there are political activists and the potential for civic political
mobilization and precedents from among business to become a new elite.”
At present, this potential isn’t being
used; and the center does not feel under any pressure to decentralize. But
given the deteriorating situation in the country, it is quite likely that “the
major cities will not remain on the side of what is going on” but instead will
form alliances with their neighbors. And thus, regions of one form or another “will
begin to establish themselves.”
Obviously, they will often find themselves
in conflict – Moscow counts on that – but “what is important is not the absence
of conflicts but the presence of a suitable mechanism of resolving them,” Luzin
continues. That can emerge through
regionally based treaty-like agreements among them.
Such things will not happen overnight, and
trying to force the issue will likely make any move forward impossible. But the strengthening and development of
local self-administration will allow cities and then regions to become “masters
in their own homes” and thus become “the main instrument for the democratization
of Russia.”
That is something that will be “understandable
and attractive to the majority of Russians, and they are prepared to fight for
it,” Luzin concludes.
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