Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 24 – Given the
significant majority of Russians who have a positive view of Stalin, it is no surprise
more have a negative view of perestroika than a positive one, 48 percent as
against to 39 percent, a more negative balance than the Levada Center found in
2008 but one less dramatic perhaps because Russians admit they did get some
positive things from it.
Indeed, while they were critical of
perestroika as such, those the Center surveyed said that “in comparison with
Soviet times, now it has become easier to say what you think, to join any
organization you like, or take part in politics, all things that perestroika
made possible (levada.ru/2019/04/23/perestrojka/).
Accompanying its presentation of the
poll results, the Nakanune news
agency offered the judgments of three experts as to why Russians have these
mutually contradictory views (nakanune.ru/articles/115088/).
Sociologist
and commentator Boris Kagarliltsky said that the survey had not asked enough
questions to get at these contradictions and so people could give one answer
for a period as a whole and quite a different one concerning its subsequent
impact on their lives.
Moreover,
he says, most Russians look back at the Soviet period as a positive one and
blame almost all their current problems not on it or even on what has happened
since 1991 but on perestroika which they blame for the demise of the Soviet
system and the disintegration of the USSR – even when they welcome specific
positive things that have occurred.
Andrey
Gudkov, an independent specialist on social policy says that things were much
worse in Soviet times. Now one can say what one thinks without risk of prison.
Now, you may be killed “but on the other hand, it will be done quietly.”
And
commentator Dmitry Agranovsky stressed that “freedom” is a very elastic
category that means different things to different people at different
times. Thus comparing it over time is
difficult if not impossible. At the very
least, polls about changes in these things over time are anything but
objective.
In
certain ways, he says, “freedoms really have become more. You want to drink,
you drink; you want to die, die, you want to change jobs, you can on you own
because no one needs you.” But these
aren’t the only freedoms that matter, especially as they leave the individual
alone and abandoned.
“All
declared ‘freedoms,’” Agranovsky says, “are restricted to within specific
limits and one can be punished more harshly than in the Soviet period.” That
explains the comments of deputy Elena Mizulina that “rights are the main
limitations on freedom and that bans are a form of freedom. The main thing now
is ‘not to interfere with the strong of this world.”
According
to Agranovsky, “the most real human rights, the most real freedoms are the
right to labor, freedom from fear of tomorrow – all these things, of course,
have been liquidated.” As a result, he concludes, today “we simply live in hell
in comparison with Soviet times.”
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