Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 10 – By his
actions with regard to the amending of the Constitution, Vladimir Putin has
created “two fundamental contradictions” that are connected with each other and
only increase the paradoxical nature of the current political situation in
Moscow, Vladimir Pastukhov says.
The first of these, the London-based
Russian scholar says, consists in the fact that “Putin has sharply strengthened
the power of the presidency” which should be a sign that he intends to remain
in that post but at the same time, “he has removed the constitutional ambiguity
regarding the number of permitted presidential terms” which makes his remaining
more difficult (mbk-news.appspot.com/sences/konstitucionnyj-paradoks-putina-tri-vozmozhnyx-resheniya/).
The second paradox is that “Putin by
his own declarations has created the appearance of an absence on his part of
any intention to fight for an extension of his presidential authority” even as
his political actions “do not leave any doubt that one way or another precisely
he will in the future rule Russia.”
Indeed, Pastukhov continues, Putin “is
beginning to remind one of a political ‘Schrödinger's cat’
(not to be confused with ‘a [Gerhard] Schröder cat’) in being
simultaneously part and not part of “the map of the political future of Russia.”
That might suggest Putin is being irrational, but experience shows that he is
invariably rational. What explains these paradoxes?
Pastukhov suggests that there are
three possible “rational” explanations for what Putin is doing, but only the
third appears to be likely. The first of
these is that Putin really does see himself as soon to depart the political
scene. In that case, he doesn’t care about a Kazakh or Turkmen transition but
only in ensuring that the structures a successor will need are in place.
But given all the other available
evidence, this outcome seems profoundly unlikely, the London-based scholar
says.
The second possible “rational”
explanation is that Putin has chosen a successor and wants to put him or her in
place with the powers needed to act. But
it seems highly unlikely that Putin trusts anyone enough to do this, thus
making option two “theoretically possible but practically improbable.”
But there is a third explanation
that seems far more plausible even though it is uncertain whether this is Putin’s
intention of not. That is the Kremlin leader has decided to adopt the Boris
Gudonov scenario under which “the candidate for tsar must three times reject
the power and then accept it as a burden, conceding to the prayerful demands of
the crowds.”
Russian history provides numerous
variants for such a scenario, Pastukhov says. The most likely or at least the
most interesting would involve the constitutional amendment working group would
at just the right moment call on Putin to take the powers of a tsar to solve
the country’s problems.
If that should happen, both
paradoxes would be solved; and what Putin has done in recent weeks will look completely
rational, the scholar concludes.
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