Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 2 – Yesterday was not
only the referendum on Vladimir Putin’s constitutional amendments but also the
27th anniversary of an event, the memory of which looms in many
parts of the Russian Federation as a challenge to the hyper-centralized state
under his complete control he hopes the new constitution will allow.
In its report on this anniversary,
the URA news agency says that “the idea of a Urals Republic was born at a time
when Boris Yeltsin, the first president of Russia, called [for the regions and
republics] ‘to take as much sovereignty as you can swallow’” (ura.news/specials/iamural/news/1036280506).
While Yeltsin’s words were directed
in the first instance to the non-Russian republics and especially Tatarstan and
Bashkortostan, “the slogan was heard by all heads of the subjects of the Russian
Federation. And because the country was engaged in writing a constitution, they
wanted to stake out a position as well.
Eduard Rossel, then head of the
Sverdlovsk Oblast administration, was among them. He wanted “financial
equality” for his region. “We do not need sovereignty but we very much need
economic and legislative self-standingness.”
In this, he was supported by many in the oblast assembly.
On April 25, 1993, a referendum was
held in which 67.1 percent of the voters participated and 83.4 percent of those
voted in favor of proclaiming a Urals Republic.
Anatoly Gayda of the Urals Institute of Philosophy of Law assembled a
group of six to draft its constitution.
(Wikipedia mistakenly identifies
Anton Bakov as one of the six, but he says he was too young to participate in
such an august undertaking.) Bakov did attract attention at the time, however,
by pressing for the issuance of the republic’s own currency, the Urals “franc.”
But Rossel and others rejected that and everything else that smacked of
separatism.
Supporters of the Urals Republic
realized that such a declaration would lead Moscow to conclude that they were separatists
and wanted to exit the Russian Federation and that the center would crack down
hard on them in order to kill such a movement in the cradle. In fact, that is exactly what happened:
Moscow, believing rumors rather than reading the constitution, moved to stop
the entire enterprise.
The Urals Republic was suppressed,
but the popular attitudes that gave rise to it live on. Mikhail Borisov, a
former deputy to the Sverdlovsk Oblast council, says that its appearance reflected
the fact that for “almost 400 years,” the population there has consisted
largely of Old Believers rather than Nikonians and are “accustomed to think
independently.”
Few now believe there is much chance
for a second Urals Republic anytime soon, but support for greater regional
autonomy is growing. And URA says in conclusion, it may be that sometime soon,
the local historical museum will speak more about the Urals Republic just as
the Paris mayor has organized exhibitions about the May 1968 student revolution
there.
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