Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 22 – Putin’s regime,
Igor Eidman says, “is not freer but more sophisticated than its Soviet”
predecessor in large part because its propaganda machine is “more powerful and
effective,” depending not on blocking access to other sources of information but
on playing to Russians’ basest impulses while claiming Moscow provides all the
news they need.
In a Facebook post, the Russian
commentator for Deutsche Welle draws a sharp contrast between the way in which
the Soviet authorities dealt with information and the way Putin does. The former couldn’t work under conditions of
free access to information while the latter can (facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1800661013330203&id=100001589654713).
“Soviet propaganda
wasn’t able to work under conditions of free access to information: it wasn’t
competitive, and therefore the authorities jammed ‘foreign radio voices,’
jailed people for samizdat, and silences any dissidents,” Eidman writes, noting
that this approach played an evil trick on its authors at the time and when
information became more freely available.
“The Soviet man unconsciously
guessed that the powers that be were ‘hiding something’ from him about his life
and slavery. Consequently, when
Gorbachev’s glasnost began, people literally grasped at the information which
had been prisoned before, like children who had been deprived of their toys.”
“After this,” Eidman says, “communist
propaganda ceased to work, the USSR was shaken to its foundations and soon fell
to pieces.”
Putin’s approach is “more powerful
and effective,” he continues. More
clever and emotional, “it plays with success on the basest and that means the
strongest feelings of the crowd.” It makes use of the most sophisticated
psychological tools, and “all the policy of the country, even wars and
terrorist acts, are put in its service.”
According to Eidman, “the federal
television channels, which work exclusively for the authorities, are able to
create in the public mind the illusion of diversity and pluralism. In their
information field, specially selected ‘dissidents’ are included, people who
either from naivete or vanity” agree to play this role.
Under Putin, “the Kremlin knows that
if the opposition-minded minority is deprived of its information outlets, an
explosion could occur. Therefore, it has created an infrastructure of
pseudo-opposition media and parties” that can be counted on to “imitate
political protest” in ways that are no threat for the powers that be.
Indeed, it is important to recognize
that now, the Putin regime “uses for its own goals not only the pro-government
agenda but also the ‘opposition’ one.” And that has profound and even disturbing
consequences, Eidman argues.
“Putin’s ‘post-modern’
totalitarianism is much more stable than was the Soviet variant. The controlled imitation of freedom is used
as an effective vaccine against the search for real freedom. The authorities
are able to manipulate and subordinate to their interests any categories of
citizens up to and including liberals and ‘opposition figures.’”
And as a result, the commentator
concludes, “the Putin man while being essentially a slave doesn’t even guess
that this is the case.”
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