Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 21 – The chief result
of the so-called Russian presidential elections was “the final conservation of
an archaic and reactionary regime, one like the Soviet Union it has become and,
like that state, fated to suffer a death agony and collapse at some unknown
future point, according to Vitaly Portnikov.
But because no one can specify “when,
how and under what circumstances with Putin or already after him” this end will
come, Russia’s neighbors and the West “simply must learn to live alongside this
dangerous sick man” of Eurasia (liga.net/opinion/372929_opasnyy-bolnoy-itogi-rossiyskogo-golosovaniya-za-putina.htm).
Putin “won” these elections because
he promised to maintain the stability Russians crave given how much instability
they have had in their lives and how shaky they really believe the situation in
their country to be. The question which
must be asked, however, the Ukrainian commentator says, is “just what is this
Russian stability?”
The facts of the case are these: “In
Russia, ‘stability’ – that is the unchanging nature of the regime – almost always
exists with the exception of short periods of wars and crises,” but each new
ruler declares the past to have been unstable in order to frighten Russians and
justify their support of him, Portnikov says.
Thus, he continues, “Brezhnev declared the
Khrushchev era a time of instability even though he and other members of the
Politburo who removed the unpredictable Nikita Sergeyevich were products of
that era. Under Putin, ‘the wild 1990s’
have been declared the era of instability, despite the fact that the new
president and the rest of the leaders of Russia emerged from them.”
It cannot be excluded, he suggests,
that “some successor of Putin’s will declare the present-day historical period
one of instability and turbulence. But until then, Russians are certain that
this is stability because stability [in the Russian case] is not connected with
the situation or their own situations or with the actions of the authorities
but with Putin himself.”
As long as the leader says there is
stability, it exists.
That is one of the reasons why “the
agony of authoritarianism is a long, difficult and unpredictable process and we
must simply learn to live alongside this dangerously sick man” of Eurasia.
The readiness of Russians to support
whatever their ruler decides on “at first glance would appear to create the
conditions for the new old president to maneuver.” But what Putin will in fact
do is something “no one knows today, including if you will Putin himself,” the
Ukrainian commentator says.
What would seem logical to others
may not be logical to him. While many
would think he would benefit from compromising with the West, Putin may
conclude that “an aggressive policy will help him avoid even the specter of competition
and weakness domestically and convert Russia internationally into a kind of
alterative to the West.”
To the extent that is the case,
Putin may decide to cross “ever more red lines everywhere” to make himself into
what he aspires to be however much it harms his country and its future. That
may keep him in power for a long time, but it means something else that both he
and others must recognize.
Putin isn’t going away on his own
ever. He can be removed from power only if his system and the fake stability it
is based on go through a period of genuine instability leading to regime
change. That happened to his beloved
Soviet Union. With Putin, it can eventually happen to the Russian Federation as
well.
In the meantime,
Ukrainians and others in the West must learn to deal with a dangerously ill and
thus dangerously unpredictable Russian leader who has nuclear weapons which he
clearly believes mean that he never has to admit he is wrong or say he is
sorry.
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