Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 23 – “One of the most
important results of the 20 years of Vladimir Putin’s rule is that the justification
of Stalin has become a social norm,” Andrey Kolesnikov says. “Some praise
Stalin because they lived better under him that under Putin …for others, he is
a symbol of order [and] for a third group, he is a funny and fearless personage.”
And even those who as at Shiyes are protesting
the existing order carry his portrait because they have no other language to
communicate their anger, the commentator writes in The New Times. Because of the
all-pervasiveness, Putin’s re-Stalinization is far more dangerous than Brezhnev’s
“’velvet’” one ever was (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/189163?fcc).
Despite the expectations and efforts
of many, “the shadow of Stalin again covers the country. Busts and monuments to
Stalin in various cities of Russia are being erected with a speed exceeding
renovations in Moscow,” all of them taking their cue from Vladimir Putin who
two days before the 140th anniversary of Stalin’s birth made clear
where he stands.
“If for Gorbachev, Lenin was good
and Stalin bad, then for Putin everything is just the reverse,” Kolesnikov
says. The current Kremlin leader
justified everything Stalin did in 1939 and 1940, including the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the occupation of Poland and the Baltic countries, and
the invasion of Finland.
Putin’s attitudes about Stalin have
spread throughout Russian society, affecting the protesters at Shiyes and advertisers
who are not about showing Stalin as funny and therefore not terrible at
all. What has happened is “the complete
and final victory of Russian secondary and higher education.”
Its products either “do not know
anything about Stalinism” or they uncritically accept the praise Putin and his
regime heap upon the man behind it. For Putin, “Stalin is a model to be
emulated. The victory of the people in the Great Fatherland War is again in
official discourse designated as Stalin’s victory.”
Stalin’s “tragic mistakes are
presented as strategic cleverness and the success of Soviet diplomacy. [And] the organization which for long decades
have sacrificed to preserve the memory about the victims of repression,
Memorial,” has been chosen as a target of the powers that be, declared a
foreign agent, and bankrupted by fines in the courts.”
Of course, “Uncle Joe” would have
done the same.
Kolesnikov recounts the story that
in the last moments of Stalin’s life, he raised one hand and appeared to be indicating
his next victims. It seemed to many at that moment that with his passing was “the
end of history. [But] it has turned out that this was only the beginning. And
it, with intervals of a thaw, perestroika and the Yeltsin era has lasted to
this day.”
“Our political history is the struggle
of Stalinists and anti-Stalinists. It continues and is entering its latest peak
phase. The Putin rehabilitation of Stalin is more dangerous than the ‘velvet’
Brezhnevite version: in those times, re-Stalinization undermined the
foundations of the regime and discredited it; in ours, it is legitimating the
regime and strengthening it.”
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