Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 18 – Compared to
other countries, Gennady Bordyugov says, Russia has long suffered from “a cult
of anniversaries,” events in which certain individuals and events are lost to
history and become the basis for the government to promote its own needs for
the present and the future by restructuring the past.
In an interview in Rossiiskaya
gazeta, the head of the Association of Researchers on Russian Society
argues that “the jubilee sphere is always controlled by the state and only
those who fit into the correct ideology are judged worthy of honor” (rg.ru/2019/12/17/istorik-bordiugov-rasskazal-kogda-budet-preodolen-kult-lichnosti-stalina.html).
The historian describes how the Stalin
cult has evolved by considering how it was marked every ten years beginning in
1939 when Stalin first allowed his person to be celebrated on the anniversary of
his birth. (In 1919, Soviet Russia was in the midst of a civil war; and in
1929, Stalin was not completely without challenge.)
Bordyugov notes that the idea that
Stalin opposed these later commemorations is a myth. The Soviet dictator only
opposed those elements of the celebration which he considered “harmful” because
they sent messages about him and his system that he did not want to have
disseminated.
The major “round” anniversary for
Stalin was his 70th birthday in 1949. The jubilee dominated the Soviet
media, attracted visitors and presents from around the country, and culminated
in a banquet at the Bolshoy which lasted for many hours and ended when Stalin
simply walked away.
The anniversaries after Stalin’s
death have served as a barometer of the changes in Soviet and Russian society.
In 1959, the regime ignored the date but the KGB registered what it called “unhealthy
views” about Stalin, the result of Khrushchev’s anti-Stalin campaign and discussions
of the repressions in Stalin’s time.
Before the 90th anniversary
of Stalin’s birth, the Brezhnev regime prepared for a long time and carefully.
Articles and even novels, like Vsevolod Kochetov’s What Do You Want? were
published. But there were protests and controversy and so a single and
consistent message did not come through despite the hopes of the regime.
Instead, the image of Stalin
increasingly was linked to the victory in World War II, with his domestic
actions being given short shrift in the commemorations. As Bordyugov puts it, “victory in the war was
seen as the key moment which showed the lack of any alternative to Soviet
power.”
In 1979, on the centenary of Stalin’s
birth, many Soviet citizens were disappointed with the Pravda article about
that event. That date corresponded to “the
time of the apogee of well-being – world oil prices had not collapse and there
were still a few days before the Afghanistan adventure.” The regime showed that
it “needed Stalin” but only as the organizer of victory.
In 1989, the 110th
birthday of Stalin, Gorbachev’s glasnost allowed multiple points of view to
emerge, to show that “in Russia as before there was not one truth but rather as
many as there were people.” But “nevertheless scholars began to formulate
questions about the doctrinal roots of Stalinism and the social forces on which
Stalin relied.”
In 1999 and 2009, the next “round”
anniversaries, Bordyugov says, those controversies continued. But today on the
140th anniversary of Stalin’s birth, the late dictator has become more
popular as a result of the regime’s celebration of the war and of Stalin’s role
in that and in making the Soviet Union a world power.
“The 11 Stalin jubilees,” the historian
continues, “are a sufficient basis to see both how Stalin organized these
holidays and how the authorities, having lost him haven’t been able to ignore
him on these round dates.” But what the
regime and the people are talking about now is not Stalin but the image of Stalin,
something very different and something easier to change.
Ten years from now, Russia will have
to decide how to commemorate the 150th anniversary of Stalin’s
birth. Bordyugov says he isn’t confident
that there won’t be imposed on society yet another Stalin. At the same time, however,
he says that it isn’t necessary to seek to overcome the cult of Stalin. Instead, Russians must face up to the problems
of today.
“The cult will be overcome when
Stalin and his image from politicized memory return to history in which he like
Ivan the Terrible will occupy a really proper place without embellishments or
derogations,” the historian says, adding that this return to history may be far
more simple or easy.
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