Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 13 – Aleksandr Lukashenka’s
bloody crackdown on post-election protests against him not only are further
isolating him internationally but putting Vladimir Putin in an increasingly
difficult position in terms of both integration of the two countries and the
attitudes of the Russian population, Yekaterinburg commentator Aleksey Shaburov
says.
On the one hand, what Lukashenka is
doing will make it ever harder for Putin to push for integration, the editor of
Politsovet says. Why should Russians want to integrate with such a country as
Belarus has become under Lukashenka? (politsovet.ru/67450-protesty-v-belorussii-kak-problema-dlya-putina.html).
And on the other, because Lukashenka
has extracted an expression of support from Putin, ever more Russians will
suspect that the Kremlin leader may very well be preparing to use the same
tactics his Minsk counterpart is, using bloody repression in order to suppress
any challenge to his rule. That will only further erode support for the Moscow
strongman.
“It is no secret” that relations
between Lukashenka and Putin have become increasingly fraught, with the latter
pressing for further integration and the former resisting at each step of the
way. Shaburov continues. The Belarusian elections and their aftermath have only
made this situation worse.
Lukashenka held these elections not
just to get “the necessary result (for him, this was no problem) but also first
of all to get Russia to recognize this result and second so that the scenario
of ‘deep integration’ Putin is interested in wouldn’t be realized,” the
Yekaterinburg commentator suggests.
“And however sad it is to recognize,
[Lukashenka] contrived to achieve these goals.” Putin sent him a congratulatory
message on the election, not first (China’s Xi had that honor) but second because
the Kremlin leader had no choice but to do so: Had he failed to send one, he
would have appeared to be behind the protesters, something Putin cannot do.
Moreover, such a message was needed
if Putin was to have any chance to promote the integration of the two countries
he seeks. “But the bloody events in Belarus are making this integration extremely
difficult for now Lukashenka in the eyes of many on both sides of the border is
not simply a weird neighbor but a really harsh dictator.”
Many Russians have seen the pictures
of clashes in Minsk, and few of them remain indifference. Consequently, they
are likely to be increasingly skeptical about the value of integrating their
country with such a state. They will now
view every Putin call for that through the lens of these pictures of
repression.
“Moreover, calls for integration
will give rise to fears within Russia that perhaps the Russian powers that be
want to adopt Lukashenka’s approach … And even if they don’t in fact want to,
they can hardly afford to openly acknowledge this … [But] if the Belarusian
OMON becomes the symbol of integration, it has little chance of gaining support
from Russians.”
Shaburov adds that “it is difficult to
say whether Lukashenka is conscious of all this in giving the orders to suppress
the protests. In any case, he it appears has passed a certain red line beyond
which integration with him will be accompanied by enormous political and image
losses for Russia.”
For Lukashenka, that is a big win, assuming,
“of course, that he will be able to suppress the protests and keep power for
another few years.”
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