Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 20 – Twenty times
during his press conference, Vladimir Putin said that he supports the
territorial integrity of Ukraine, simultaneously the latest example of his
dishonesty and duplicity, his efforts to win support from the West for a
settlement in his favor, and his desire to exploit a pro-Moscow minority inside
Ukraine to undermine Kyiv in the future.
In a comment posted online yesterday,
Andrey Piontkovsky points out that having failed with his plans to detach “Greater
Novorossiya” from Ukraine, Putin very much needs to have that region remain as “a
cancerous tumor” within the borders of Ukraine and to use it against Kyiv (ru.tsn.ua/analitika/zadushit-v-bratskih-obyatyah-402012.html).
“The
illusion of the territorial integrity of Ukraine,” Piontkovsky suggests, is a
trap for the Ukrainian leadership because the Kremlin leader has no intention
of leaving the area but only forcing Kyiv to bear the social welfare costs of
the depressed east while continuing to undermine the ability of the Ukrainian
state to control that territory or function independently of Moscow.
According
to the Russian analyst, “Putin’s new line is to strangle Ukraine not by a
direct war but by economic and political means and a game of cat and mouse with
it by talking about the so-called territorial integrity” of that country.
This
may be a new line for Putin, but it is entirely consistent with the line Stalin
pursued in drawing the borders of Ukraine and the other Soviet republics and one
equally consistent with the way in which the West has approached the unpacking
of the Soviet system in the two decades since the collapse of the USSR in 1991.
Soviet
propagandists asserted and many in both Russia and the West believe that Stalin
attempted to draw the borders of the republics of the Soviet Union in such a
way as to create nationally homogeneous republics. But in fact, that was never
true. Instead, the Kremlin dictator always drew the lines in such a way that
these republics were not homogeneous.
Moscow’s
reasoning was simple: if it ensured that there was a local minority, either
consisting of ethnic Russians as in Ukraine or Kazakhstan, for example, or of
another competing nationality as in Central Asia or the Caucasus, it could kill
two birds with one stone.
On
the one hand, it would guarantee itself a ready-made set of agents in place who
would be ready to do Moscow’s bidding in exchange for protection. And on the
other, by using these “assets,” the center would heighten tensions between those
nationalities relative to tensions between the titular nationality and Moscow,
allowing the center to present itself falsely as an arbiter between them.
Moreover,
returning the principle of border stability after violating it first in Georgia
and now in Crimea, Putin will win support from some in the West who will see
that as an opening for a new round of cooperation with the Kremlin – given that
a commitment to the stability of borders in the former Soviet space has been a
core element of Western policy since 1992.
The
quintessential expression of this position was the declaration by a White House
spokesman on February 6,1992, that the United States would “never recognize any
secession from secession on the territory of the former Soviet Union,” a
declaration that titled the balance against any further moves toward
self-determination in the name of stability.
But
three things have changed since that time that make Putin’s move less likely to
work on the ground if not in Western chancelleries than he may think. First, many
ethnic Russians and even more non-Russian speakers now have a civic identification
with the countries in which they live and will not play the game as Putin
hopes. That is why he has failed in Ukraine so far.
Second,
Putin’s Anschluss of Crimea and his incautious language about becoming the latest
“ingatherer of Russian lands” not only has alarmed the titular nationalities of
the non-Russian countries but has also frightened many ethnic Russians there who
know they are better off in those countries than in Russia.
And third, by his naked aggression
in Crimea and other parts of Ukraine, Putin has alarmed enough people in the
West that most will not be taken in by this latest turn in the Kremlin line.
Instead, they will understand and act to make sure that Putin cannot play a
Stalin-like role there or anywhere else beyond the borders of his country.
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