Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 29 – The flag a
nation chooses for itself is important as an indication of how it sees itself
and its place in the world. Twenty-five years ago, Russians marched under three
different flags: the white-blue-red tricolor of the democrats, the red flag of
the Soviet Union carried by communists, and the black-gold-white one of the
monarchists and nationalists.
The adoption of the first seemed to
indicate that Russia had made a European choice, especially given the rejection
of the second which pointed to the isolation of the past. But increasingly Russians
are displaying the black-gold-white one which suggests the return of a very
different past (ej.ru/?a=note&id=27993).
The
Russians are not the only people who have struggled with which flag to fly:
Belarusians remain divided between the red and white flag chosen by the
pre-Lukashenka democrats who hoped to integrate with Europe and the Belarusian
SSR flag the Mensk dictator restored to signal that he did not want his country
to move in that direction.
But
the choice of flags may be even more important for those nations which have not
yet secured genuine autonomy or even independence because the flag they select
is a symbol they can control and that says much about how they see themselves,
what they hope for and whom they hope to mobilize in order to achieve those
ends.
On
St. John’s day in 1918, Karelian revolutionaries raised “a very unusual flag”
over the village of Ukhta in their region, Russian regionalist Vadim Shtepa
writes in “Vesti Karelii.” He argues
that that flag, which shows the stars of Ursa Major (“Otava”) in silver on a
blue field, should be restored (vesti.karelia.ru/social/pervyj_flag_karelii_ne_pora_li_ego_vernut/).
At that time, Shtepa notes, the residents
of the White Sea region of Karelia thought a lot about symbols because they
hoped to acquire self-determination. The Bolsheviks had promised that to all
peoples of the former empire, but the new rulers of Russia applied it “selectively”
and didn’t extend it to the Karels.
“Had
the Bolsheviks built a real federation, the citizens of the Ukhta Republic
certainly would have had nothing against that. In any case,” he writes, “they
hardly wanted to unite with Finland but rather wanted to preserve their own
self-administration and cultural identity.” They only wanted open borders like
in the EU today.
Unfortunately, Shtepa continues, few
people know this history: there is not even a single exhibit devoted to the
Ukha Republic in the National Museum of the Karelian Republic. Moreover, people
are taught to consider the birthday of the republic to be only on June 8, 1920,
when Moscow recognized the Karelian Workers’ Commune.
That is especially sad because that event represented
“the restoration of the empire, when decisions about one’s republic were no
longer taken by local residents but by ‘the bosses in the capital.’”
Why should the Otava flag be restored now?
There are several compelling reasons, Shtepa argues. The current Karelian flag adopted in 1993 is
simply the flag of the former Karelo-Finnish SSR without the hammer and sickle,
“a continuation of the heraldic standardization” Moscow wanted which was “murderous
for any regional distinctiveness.”
That pattern continues, Shtepa says.
“If in Soviet times the hammer and sickle on a red background had to be present
on the flag of each republic, then the post-Soviet republics of the Russian
Federation in their majority adopted as the basis of their flags the Russian
tricolor.” That has led to mistakes because people often don’t know which color
should be on top.
In the early 1990s, some suggested
restoring the second and better-known flag of the Ukhta Republic, the one with
a cross of “the Scandinavian type.” But
the Supreme Soviet of Karelia rejected that, “and in this case, their arguments
were convincing.” It was too much a copy
of the ones in use in Scandinavia.
Despite that, Karelian national cultural
activists have used the flag with the cross since then. It has even “acquired
the status of the Karelian national banner.”
That deserves respect, but is it wise, Shtepa asks, to have such a flag
for the entire republic, given that the Karels form less than ten percent of
the population and that the Wepsy have their own flag with a cross?
“The Otava flag in this regard looks more
appropriate: it is associated with Karelia but is at the same time free from
narrow ethnic connotations.” Its seven stars allow for “a broad range of
creative interpretations.” They could stand for seven local dialects, seven
historical monuments, seven local brands, or for something else entirely.
Some have objected that the Otava flag too
closely resembles that of Alaska or the EU, but it is older than either and its
stars are silver, not yellow. Consequently, any copyright challenge to the
Karelian flag would fail, Shtepa says.
Adopting the Otava flag, he continues, “would
create a new, recognized and attractive image of Karelia, something especially
important in today’s era, when each region seeks to show the world its originality
and distinctiveness.” It could be put on Karelian goods for tourists and thus “in
a laconic way” emphasize “the uniqueness of our northern republic.”
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