Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 9 – It has become
almost a commonplace to assert that Russians under Boris Yeltsin had a positive
view of the world and that they began their search for enemies only under his
successor, Vladimir Putin. That such feelings have intensified under Putin is
beyond doubt, but it is important to remember than they took shape under
Yeltsin.
According to the Levada Center as
reported by Yekaterina Butorina of “Profile” today, in 1989, 13 percent of the
Russian population identified enemies; in 1994, that figure had risen to 41
percent; and in 1999, the last year of Yeltsin’s presidency to 65 percent (profile.ru/rossiya/item/97523-ot-lyubvi-do-nenavisti).
Of course, those counted as enemies
have shifted over that period, from domestic to foreign and from East to West,
but what may be most important is an apparently deep desire to identify enemies
on whom any shortcomings can be blamed as a way of avoiding examining the
responsibility of the Russians and their national leaders.
That pattern and logic are all the
more important given that in 1989, according to a Levada Center poll, 47
percent of respondents agreed with the statement that there is no need to
search for external enemies if the source of Russia’s misfortunes is to be
found in Russians themselves.
Since the 1990s, the groups and
countries Russians see as enemies has changed dramatically, with ever more of
them having a negative attitude about the West and ever more of them having a
positive attitude about China, a country now viewed by Russians as a friend at
the same level as Belarus.
With regard to Russia’s
immediate neighbors, Russian attitudes have been constantly in motion as well,
with some countries becoming friends and then enemies and others moving in the opposite
direction, the result of specific events and even more of the way those events
are treated in the media and by Russian leaders.
Indeed, according
to Aleksey Grazhdankin of Levada Center, “the further from an individual things
and phenomena are, the easier it is for him to agree with the assessments which
are imposed on him. Therefore, ideas about foreign countries and their
relationship to Russia are formed among Russians largely with the help of the
media.”
Immediately after
the collapse of the USSR, Russians viewed the mafia as an enemy, but they did
not define it with any precision. By the end of the 1990s, however, they talked
about it with greater specificity. The same pattern held for attitudes about foreign
countries and their status as friends or enemies of Russia.
Initially,
Russians had a generally positive view of the US and the West, but positive attitudes
toward both “fell sharply in 1999” as a
result of NATO’s actions in the former Yugoslavia and what a VTsIOM
investigation described as “the one-sided treatment of the situation in the
mass media.”
But at that time,
this rise in negative attitudes toward the West did not lead Russians to turn
away from a desire “to see our Russia ‘like the countries of the West, with a
market economy, a democratic political system, and the protection of human
rights,’” according to polls taken then.
By 2000, roughly
half of Russians said that “there are countries in the world which represent a
real threat” to their country, with the US in first place, Afghanistan in
second, China in third, followed by Iraq and Iran. In 2007, the US was still in
the lead, but Georgia was in second, and third was shared by the UK, the Baltic
countries and Ukraine.
That pattern was
more or less constant between May 2005 and May 2010, Butorina says.
Grazhdankin notes
that in the oughts, “the image of the enemy was exploited episodically,” and
consequently while the enemies list stayed more or less the same, the friends
list changed with China rising as the West fell.
Still, as late as
January 2011, “only 18 percent of Russians considered that ‘our country is
surrounded by enemies on all sides,’” according to the Levada Center. Four
years later, however, this view was shared by 84 percent of all Russians, with
the US being the worst of them in Russian eyes.
In March of this
year, Butorina continues, a Levada Center poll found that 63 percent of
Russians agreed that their country was “really threatened” by numerous enemies
foreign and domestic. But almost one in
four – 23 percent – declared that “talk about enemies is carried out in order
to frighten the population and make is a puppet in the hands of those in power.”
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