Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 6 – During the
Cold War, it was widely recognized that the Soviet Union made use of its
satellites to carry out tasks which for one reason or another the USSR’s
leadership did not want to take on itself, most notoriously its use of the Bulgarian
security services to engage in “wet” attacks on those Moscow viewed as its
enemies.
It is as yet less widely recognized
the Vladimir Putin has restored this Soviet practice and now uses the Kremlin’s
more limited and less totally controlled “allies” to do much the same way, thus
achieving plausible deniability about particular actions which achieving
precisely the goals it seeks.
In a Kasparov.ru commentary,
Aleksandr Nemets describes the way Moscow is using what he describes as its “North
Korean branch” to attack the West while not bearing full responsibility and its
other “branches” in various locations around the world (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5A26D53822D09).
North Korea is especially important
in this regard, Nemets says. Russia uses it to transfer advanced rocket and
nuclear technologies, to create problems for the US, Japan, South Korea and even
China, countering anti-Russian sanctions, and other tasks which are more
important for Moscow than they are for Pyongyang.
Because of its importance, Nemets
continues, Moscow has been willing to transfer to Pyongyang some of Russia’s
most advanced technology and to forgive almost all of its debt to Russia. And Russia’s role in this regard is clearly
seen from the timing of what Moscow has done and what Pyongyang has done.
Between 2011 and 2016, Putin visited
North Korea, wrote down Pyongyang’s debt by 11 billion US dollars, and provided
North Korea with missile and nuclear technologies, all of which Kim Jong Il
then exploited. But Russia’s use of North Korea against the West really took
off “in the first months of 2017.”
After the failure of the Kremlin’s “’Trump
is Ours’” project, Nemets says, “the significance of ‘the North Korean branch
of the Russian Federation’ grew many times over.” Pyongyang’s nuclear and
missile tests were clearly timed in response to or anticipation of American
actions, most of which were hurting the Kremlin far more than North Korea.
Nemets traces these step by step
from last spring to earlier this month, a timetable that suggests a controlling
Russian involvement rather than simply the imperatives of North Korean
advances. And the Russian commentator
concludes that “by the beginning of December, North Korean had become the most
privileged and valuable of ‘the foreign branches” of Russia.
But it was and is hardly the only
one, he continues; and Nemets provides a listing of “’the foreign branches of
the Russian Federation’ and their chief functions.”
·
Transdneistria
which distributes weapons at Moscow’s direction and creates problems for
Moldova and Ukraine, “blocking the entry of Moldova into the EU and NATO.”
·
The
Russian occupied Donbass which also distributes weapons and creates problems for
Ukraine, including “blocking Ukraine’s entrance into the EU and NATO.”
·
Crimea,
“annexed” by Moscow, which supplies arms and creates as many threats as
possible to Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and NATO countries on the Black Sea
littoral.
·
South
Ossetia and Abkhazia, which provide weapons to groups Moscow wants them to go
to and creates “the maximum threat to Georgia,” including “blocking its
entrance into the EU and NATO.”
·
The
occupied regions of Syria, “a joint project with Iran,” which also distribute weapons,
create chaos in the Middle East, and lay the basis for increasing the price of
oil on world markets.
·
And
Belarus, which supplies arms, creates problems for Poland, the Baltic countries
and Ukraine, and holds off NATO forces.
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