Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 3 – One of the
murkiest events in Soviet history is Stalin’s annexation of Tuva in 1944, an
event so obscure that the international community didn’t learn of it until
after World War II concluded and one that even today is mired in mystery
despite numerous works by Russian and Western scholars, according to Ivanna
Ostroshenko.
In the new issue of Novyye isledovaniya Tuvy, Ostroshenko of Kyiv’s Institute of Oriental Studies offers a
10,000-word survey of what is known and what is still unknown about Tuva’s
becoming part of the USSR, a commentary that is interesting not only
historically but in terms of the light it casts on the Crimean Anschluss (nit.tuva.asia/nit/article/view/738).
She points out that “the inclusion
of Tuva within the USSR in 1944 became the last major territorial acquisition
ofhte Soviet Union, an unusual evet, many of details of which remain unknown to
this day.” Russian historians stress that annexation was the only way out given
Tuva’s location between the USSR and China. But Western ones have adopted a
different view.
Most of them, she says, draw an
analogy between the Soviet annexation of the Baltic countries and the Tuvin
situation, and they focus their discussions on why Stalin annexed Tuva but did
not do the same with the Mongolian Peoples Republic or Xinjiang, which Soviet
forces largely occupied at that time.
Western treatments, she says,
usually follow the arguments of Walter Kolarz who in the 1950s argued that
several factors were at play: First, by the middle of the 20th
century, Soviet leaders were increasingly driven by a desire to restore the
empire of the tsars, which included as of 1914 Tuva as a protectorate of the
Russian state.
Outer Mongolia and Xinjiang, on the
other hand, were viewed by Moscow at that time as “elements of buffer zone
along the Russian border. (Tuva had the advantage that its territory lay
between the USSR and the Mongolian Peoples Republic.) In addition, Tuva had
significant reserves of uranium, something that became important with the start
of the nuclear arms race.
Based on her review of the published
literature and some archives, the Ukrainian historian draws three important
conclusions. First, she suggests that Stalin moved in secret because of concerns
that otherwise the US and China would object. Presenting them with a fait accompli was clearly in Moscow’s
interest.
Second, despite the fact that Tuvan
leaders had asked twice before for annexation – in 1941 and 1943 – Moscow wasn’t
prepared to move until it was closer to victory. And the way in which it
absorbed Tuva still troubles Russian legal specialists who point out that the
referendum required by the Soviet constitution did not occur.
And third, the annexation was kept
secret from the Soviet population and the West until August 1946, nearly two
years after it happened, to give Moscow flexibility in speaking with China and
Mongolia and to avoid provoking a response from the Western powers who had
indicated an intereset in Tuva at conferences during the war.
Ostroshenko provides a detailed
discussion of Russian-Tuvan relations from 1914 to 1944 and of the first acts
taken on its inclusion within the USSR.
And especially valuable is her detailed bibliography of Soviet, Russian,
Tuvan and Western histories of this complicated history. But perhaps the most important thing about
her article is that it appeared.
For a Ukrainian historian to be
writing about the history of a Moscow-orchestrated annexation of territory
after the Crimean Anschluss is a testament to the independence of the Tuvan
scholarly community and may even be seen as a challenge to what Vladimir Putin
has done in Crimea. If so, the events of 1944 Ostroshenko recounts may be even
more relevant in the coming months.
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